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China’s Sheepskin and Lambskin Market Is Estimated at $1.9B

sheepskin

China’s Sheepskin and Lambskin Market Is Estimated at $1.9B

IndexBox has just published a new report: ‘China – Sheepskin and Lambskin – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends and Insights’. Here is a summary of the report’s key findings.

The revenue of the sheepskin and lambskin market in China amounted to $1.9B in 2018, standing approx. at the previous year. This figure reflects the total revenues of producers and importers (excluding logistics costs, retail marketing costs, and retailers’ margins, which will be included in the final consumer price).

Production in China

In 2018, the sheepskin and lambskin production in China totaled 544K tonnes, flattening at the previous year. The total output volume increased at an average annual rate of +3.0% from 2013 to 2018; the trend pattern remained relatively stable, with somewhat noticeable fluctuations being observed in certain years. The growth pace was the most rapid in 2016 with an increase of 4.6% year-to-year. Over the period under review, sheepskin and lambskin production reached its maximum volume in 2018 and is expected to retain its growth in the near future.

Producing Animals in China

The number of animals slaughtered for sheepskin and lambskin production in China stood at 142M heads in 2018, remaining stable against the previous year. This number increased at an average annual rate of +1.8% from 2013 to 2018; the trend pattern remained consistent, with only minor fluctuations being observed in certain years. The growth pace was the most rapid in 2014 when the number of producing animals increased by 4.6% against the previous year. Over the period under review, this number attained its maximum level at 144M heads in 2016; however, from 2017 to 2018, producing animals failed to regain its momentum.

Yield in China

Average yield of sheep or lamb skins (without wool) in China totaled 3,842 kg per 1000 heads in 2018, standing approx. at the previous year. The yield figure increased at an average annual rate of +1.2% over the period from 2013 to 2018. Sheepskin and lambskin yield peaked in 2018 and is expected to retain its growth in the near future.

Imports into China

In 2018, approx. 311K tonnes of sheep or lamb skins (without wool) were imported into China; jumping by 2.2% against the previous year. Over the period under review, sheepskin and lambskin imports attained their peak figure at 313K tonnes in 2013; however, from 2014 to 2018, imports failed to regain their momentum.

In value terms, sheepskin and lambskin imports totaled $406M (IndexBox estimates) in 2018.

Imports by Country

In 2018, Australia (147K tonnes) constituted the largest supplier of sheepskin and lambskin to China, accounting for a 47% share of total imports. Moreover, sheepskin and lambskin imports from Australia exceeded the figures recorded by the second-largest supplier, New Zealand (51K tonnes), threefold. The third position in this ranking was occupied by the UK (45K tonnes), with a 15% share.

From 2013 to 2018, the average annual growth rate of volume from Australia was relatively modest. The remaining supplying countries recorded the following average annual rates of imports growth: New Zealand (+6.1% per year) and the UK (-4.5% per year).

In value terms, Australia ($238M) constituted the largest supplier of sheepskin and lambskin to China, comprising 59% of total sheepskin and lambskin imports. The second position in the ranking was occupied by New Zealand ($45M), with a 11% share of total imports. It was followed by the UK, with a 8.7% share.

From 2013 to 2018, the average annual rate of growth in terms of value from Australia totaled -4.1%. The remaining supplying countries recorded the following average annual rates of imports growth: New Zealand (-17.4% per year) and the UK (-22.5% per year).

Import Prices by Country

The average sheepskin and lambskin import price stood at $1,305 per tonne in 2018, jumping by 1.9% against the previous year. Over the period under review, the sheepskin and lambskin import price, however, continues to indicate a deep shrinkage. The growth pace was the most rapid in 2017 when the average import price increased by 5% against the previous year. Over the period under review, the average import prices for sheep or lamb skins (without wool) attained their peak figure at $2,230 per tonne in 2013; however, from 2014 to 2018, import prices remained at a lower figure.

Prices varied noticeably by the country of origin; the country with the highest price was Australia ($1,613 per tonne), while the price for the UK ($781 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2013 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of prices was attained by Australia, while the prices for the other major suppliers experienced a decline.

Source: IndexBox AI Platform

flatware

U.S. Is the World’s Largest Market for Imported Table Flatware ($515M), Comprising 21% of Global Imports

IndexBox has just published a new report: ‘World – Table Flatware – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends and Insights’. Here is a summary of the report’s key findings.

The global table flatware market revenue amounted to $6.3B in 2018, increasing by 3.8% against the previous year. This figure reflects the total revenues of producers and importers (excluding logistics costs, retail marketing costs, and retailers’ margins, which will be included in the final consumer price).

Global Exports 2013-2018

In 2018, approx. 340K tonnes of table flatware were exported worldwide; standing approx. at the previous year. In general, table flatware exports, however, continue to indicate a measured setback. The pace of growth was the most pronounced in 2017 with an increase of 7.6% y-o-y. Over the period under review, global table flatware exports attained their maximum at 380K tonnes in 2014; however, from 2015 to 2018, exports failed to regain their momentum.

In value terms, table flatware exports amounted to $2.7B (IndexBox estimates) in 2018.

Exports by Country

China dominates table flatware exports structure, amounting to 274K tonnes, which was approx. 81% of total exports in 2018. Viet Nam (9.6K tonnes), Germany (7.7K tonnes) and India (5.6K tonnes) followed a long way behind the leaders.

Exports from China decreased at an average annual rate of -2.4% from 2013 to 2018. At the same time, Viet Nam (+1.8%) displayed positive paces of growth. Moreover, Viet Nam emerged as the fastest-growing exporter exported in the world, with a CAGR of +1.8% from 2013-2018. Germany experienced a relatively flat trend pattern. By contrast, India (-7.0%) illustrated a downward trend over the same period. China (-10.5 p.p.) significantly weakened its position in terms of the global exports, while the shares of the other countries remained relatively stable throughout the analyzed period.

In value terms, China ($1.9B) remains the largest table flatware supplier worldwide, comprising 70% of global exports. The second position in the ranking was occupied by Viet Nam ($129M), with a 4.8% share of global exports. It was followed by Germany, with a 4.2% share.

In China, table flatware exports remained relatively stable over the period from 2013-2018. The remaining exporting countries recorded the following average annual rates of exports growth: Viet Nam (+0.7% per year) and Germany (-0.3% per year).

Export Prices by Country

In 2018, the average table flatware export price amounted to $7,997 per tonne, jumping by 4% against the previous year. Over the period from 2013 to 2018, it increased at an average annual rate of +2.2%. The pace of growth appeared the most rapid in 2015 an increase of 10% y-o-y. In that year, the average export prices for table flatware attained their peak level of $8,036 per tonne; afterwards, it flattened through to 2018.

There were significant differences in the average prices amongst the major exporting countries. In 2018, the country with the highest price was Germany ($14,767 per tonne), while China ($6,989 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2013 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of prices was attained by India, while the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Global Imports 2013-2018

In 2018, the global imports of table flatware amounted to 328K tonnes, jumping by 3.7% against the previous year.

In value terms, table flatware imports amounted to $2.5B (IndexBox estimates) in 2018.

Imports by Country

In 2018, the U.S. (61K tonnes), distantly followed by Germany (15K tonnes) were the main importers of table flatware, together comprising 23% of total imports. The UK (14K tonnes), Indonesia (9.4K tonnes), the United Arab Emirates (8.7K tonnes), France (8.6K tonnes), Canada (8.5K tonnes), Iran (8.1K tonnes), the Philippines (7.9K tonnes), the Netherlands (7.6K tonnes), Spain (7.5K tonnes) and Iraq (7.4K tonnes) followed a long way behind the leaders.

Imports into the U.S. increased at an average annual rate of +1.5% from 2013 to 2018. At the same time, Indonesia (+22.3%), Iraq (+11.1%), Spain (+8.6%), the Netherlands (+5.6%) and the Philippines (+5.4%) displayed positive paces of growth. Moreover, Indonesia emerged as the fastest-growing importer imported in the world, with a CAGR of +22.3% from 2013-2018. Canada experienced a relatively flat trend pattern.

By contrast, the UK (-1.6%), Germany (-4.2%), France (-4.7%), the United Arab Emirates (-9.2%) and Iran (-11.2%) illustrated a downward trend over the same period. From 2013 to 2018, the share of Indonesia increased by +1.8% percentage points, while the United Arab Emirates (-1.7 p.p.) and Iran (-2 p.p.) saw their share reduced. The shares of the other countries remained relatively stable throughout the analyzed period.

In value terms, the U.S. ($515M) constitutes the largest market for imported table flatware worldwide, comprising 21% of global imports. The second position in the ranking was occupied by Germany ($176M), with a 7.1% share of global imports. It was followed by the UK, with a 4.6% share.

From 2013 to 2018, the average annual growth rate of value in the U.S. totaled +1.7%. In the other countries, the average annual rates were as follows: Germany (-2.5% per year) and the UK (-0.0% per year).

Import Prices by Country

The average table flatware import price stood at $7,533 per tonne in 2018, approximately reflecting the previous year. There were significant differences in the average prices amongst the major importing countries. In 2018, the country with the highest price was Germany ($11,354 per tonne), while Iran ($3,877 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2013 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of prices was attained by Iraq, while the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Source: IndexBox AI Platform

global tea

Global Tea Market Overcame $25B, Growing Robustly Over the Last Decade

IndexBox has just published a new report: ‘World – Tea – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends and Insights’. Here is a summary of the report’s key findings.

The global tea market revenue amounted to $25.9B in 2018, picking up by 7.7% against the previous year. This figure reflects the total revenues of producers and importers (excluding logistics costs, retail marketing costs, and retailers’ margins, which will be included in the final consumer price). Overall, the total market indicated a strong growth from 2007 to 2018: its value increased at an average annual rate of +4.3% over that period. Global tea consumption peaked in 2018 and is likely to continue its growth in the immediate term.

Consumption By Country

China (2.3M tonnes) constituted the country with the largest volume of tea consumption, comprising approx. 35% of total volume. Moreover, tea consumption in China exceeded the figures recorded by the second-largest consumer, India (1.1M tonnes), twofold. Turkey (258K tonnes) ranked third in terms of total consumption with a 3.9% share.

From 2007 to 2018, the average annual growth rate of volume in China amounted to +9.2%. In the other countries, the average annual rates were as follows: India (+2.7% per year) and Turkey (+1.6% per year).

In value terms, China ($10.7B) led the market, alone. The second position in the ranking was occupied by India ($3.4B). It was followed by Turkey.

The countries with the highest levels of tea per capita consumption in 2018 were Kenya (4,903 kg per 1000 persons), Turkey (3,164 kg per 1000 persons) and Viet Nam (2,663 kg per 1000 persons).

Market Forecast 2019-2025

Driven by increasing demand for tea worldwide, the market is expected to continue an upward consumption trend over the next decade. Market performance is forecast to decelerate, expanding with an anticipated CAGR of +2.9% for the period from 2018 to 2030, which is projected to bring the market volume to 9.3M tonnes by the end of 2030.

Production 2007-2018

Global tea production totaled 6.7M tonnes in 2018, surging by 5.5% against the previous year. The total output volume increased at an average annual rate of +4.3% over the period from 2007 to 2018; however, the trend pattern indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded in certain years. The general positive trend in terms of tea output was largely conditioned by a strong expansion of the harvested area and a relatively flat trend pattern in yield figures.

Production By Country

The countries with the highest volumes of tea production in 2018 were China (2.7M tonnes), India (1.4M tonnes) and Kenya (740K tonnes), together accounting for 71% of global production.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of tea production, amongst the main producing countries, was attained by China, while tea production for the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Harvested Area 2007-2018

In 2018, approx. 4.2M ha of tea were harvested worldwide; picking up by 4% against the previous year. The harvested area increased at an average annual rate of +3.6% over the period from 2007 to 2018, which largely made the strong growth of tea production feasible.

Yield 2007-2018

In 2018, the global average tea yield stood at 1.6 tonne per ha, stabilizing at the previous year. Over the period under review, the tea yield continues to indicate a relatively flat trend pattern.

Exports 2007-2018

In 2018, the global tea exports stood at 2M tonnes, increasing by 4.1% against the previous year. The total export volume increased at an average annual rate of +1.4% over the period from 2007 to 2018; the trend pattern remained consistent, with only minor fluctuations throughout the analyzed period. In value terms, tea exports stood at $8.4B (IndexBox estimates) in 2018.

Exports by Country

The exports of the four major exporters of tea, namely Kenya, China, Sri Lanka and India, represented more than two-thirds of total export. The following exporters – Viet Nam (77K tonnes), Argentina (74K tonnes), Indonesia (49K tonnes), Malawi (43K tonnes) and the United Arab Emirates (34K tonnes) – together made up 14% of total exports.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of exports, amongst the main exporting countries, was attained by India, while exports for the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

In value terms, China ($1.7B), Sri Lanka ($1.6B) and Kenya ($1.4B) appeared to be the countries with the highest levels of exports in 2018, together accounting for 56% of global exports.

Export Prices by Country

The average tea export price stood at $4,134 per tonne in 2018, going up by 3.3% against the previous year. Over the period from 2007 to 2018, it increased at an average annual rate of +3.6%.

There were significant differences in the average prices amongst the major exporting countries. In 2018, the country with the highest price was the United Arab Emirates ($8,419 per tonne), while Argentina ($1,254 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of export prices was attained by China, while the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Imports 2007-2018

In 2018, the amount of tea imported worldwide amounted to 2M tonnes, rising by 3.6% against the previous year. The total import volume increased at an average annual rate of +1.4% from 2007 to 2018; the trend pattern remained relatively stable, with somewhat noticeable fluctuations in certain years. In value terms, tea imports amounted to $7.7B (IndexBox estimates) in 2018.

Imports by Country

The imports of the twelve major importers of tea, namely Pakistan, Russia, the UK, the U.S., Egypt, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, Viet Nam, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Poland, represented more than half of total import.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of imports, amongst the main importing countries, was attained by Viet Nam (+50.2% per year), while imports for the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

In value terms, Pakistan ($570M), Russia ($497M) and the U.S. ($487M) appeared to be the countries with the highest levels of imports in 2018, with a combined 20% share of global imports. The UK, Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Germany, Iraq, Viet Nam and Poland lagged somewhat behind, together comprising a further 31%.

Import Prices by Country

In 2018, the average tea import price amounted to $3,878 per tonne, jumping by 1.9% against the previous year. Over the last eleven years, it increased at an average annual rate of +3.3%.

There were significant differences in the average prices amongst the major importing countries. In 2018, the country with the highest price was Saudi Arabia ($6,921 per tonne), while Viet Nam ($2,062 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of import prices was attained by Egypt, while the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Source: IndexBox AI Platform

trade protectionism

Trade Protectionism Won’t Help Fight COVID-19

Countries around the world are limiting international trade and turning inward, seeking to produce nearly everything — especially medical supplies — themselves.

The Trump administration, for instance, is considering a “Buy American” executive order that would require federal agencies to purchase domestically made masks, ventilators, and medicines. And over two dozen countries — including France, Germany, South Korea, and Taiwan — have banned domestic companies from exporting medical supplies.

The scramble for self-sufficiency in medical supplies and medicines needed to fight the coronavirus is make-believe. It is neither feasible nor desirable, and will only deepen the pain felt amidst this pandemic.

Governments around the world have responded to COVID-19 by imposing export restrictions on things like ventilators and masks. In mid-April, Syria became the 76th country to follow suit. The import side of things isn’t much better. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports that tariffs remain stubbornly high on protective medical gear, averaging 11.5 percent across the 164 members of the Geneva-based institution, and peaking at just under 30 percent.

This is no way to fight a pandemic.

It’s not that COVID-19 caused this bout of trade protectionism. It’s just that COVID-19 offers up a useful narrative to promote trade protectionism.

The Trump administration, for instance, has been touting its “Buy American” executive order as a move to spur local manufacturing. Canada has also considered going it alone in ventilators and masks, but recently acknowledged it can’t possibly achieve self-sufficiency in medicines. No one can.

The way many governments see it, the only thing standing in the way of greater self-reliance in medical equipment and medicines is the will to pay for it. The story is that ventilators might be more expensive if made domestically, but that’s the cost of going it alone. It’s only a matter of getting Bauer and Brooks Brothers, for example, to make personal protective equipment, rather than hockey gear and clothing.

But there’s a reason Bauer makes skates instead of surgical masks. It’s better at it, and skates are a much more lucrative business. Bauer didn’t misread the market. It’s heartwarming to hear that Bauer is stepping in to help out, but the company knows that making surgical masks in the US is five times more expensive than making them in China. That’s why 95 percent of the surgical masks in the US are imported.

The absurdity of self-sufficiency in medicines is even more glaring. The US is a major exporter of medicines, but the raw chemicals used to make them are imported. Nearly three-quarters of the facilities that manufacture America’s “active pharmaceutical ingredients” are overseas. To reorient supply chains to produce these ingredients domestically would take up to 10 years and cost $2 billion for each new facility.  Consumers would pay at least 30 percent more at the pharmacy.

The last plug for self-sufficiency in medical equipment and medicines is that it’s not a good idea to depend on adversaries to keep us healthy. We don’t. What’s striking about medicines, medical equipment, and personal protective products is that market share is highly concentrated among allies. For example, Germany, the US, and Switzerland supply 35 percent of medical products sold worldwide. True, China leads the top ten list of personal protective products, at 17 percent market share, but the other nine, including the US at number three, are all longstanding allies. To be sure, the untold story of China is that it depends on Germany and the United States for nearly 40 percent of its medical products.

This past week, the WTO and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) called for an end to the folly of trade restrictions during this pandemic. The communique should have — but obviously couldn’t — call out governments around the world for maintaining, on average, a 17 percent tariff on soap. That tariffs on face masks average nearly 10 percent is baffling. That 20 countries in the WTO have no legal ceiling on the tariffs they impose on medicines is unforgivable.

Self-sufficiency in medical supplies and medicines is a political sop. It’s a narrative that can’t deliver anything but misery. If governments want to fight COVID-19, they should spend more time looking at how they’re denying themselves access to medical necessities, and less time on how to deny others the tools to save lives.

______________________________________________________________________

Marc L. Busch is the Karl F. Landegger professor of international business diplomacy at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and a nonresident senior fellow in the Atlantic Council.

glycerol

Global Glycerol Trade Has Almost Doubled Over the Past Three Years and Totaled $1.6B

IndexBox has just published a new report: ‘World – Glycerol – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends And Insights’. Here is a summary of the report’s key findings.

Global Glycerol Trade 2013-2018

In 2018, global exports of glycerol (including synthetic, excluding crude, waters and lyes) amounted to $1.6B (IndexBox estimates). Over the period under review, the total exports indicated resilient growth from 2013 to 2018: its value increased at an average annual rate of +5.4% over the last five years. The trend pattern, however, indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded throughout the analyzed period. Based on 2018 figures, glycerol exports increased by +91.7% against 2016 indices.

Exports by Country

The exports of the four major exporters of glycerol, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, Germany and the Netherlands, represented more than two-thirds of total export. It was distantly followed by Argentina (86K tonnes), mixing up a 4.9% share of total exports. Belgium (47K tonnes), Thailand (39K tonnes), the U.S. (34K tonnes), Poland (32K tonnes) and France (29K tonnes) took a relatively small share of total exports.

From 2013 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of exports, amongst the main exporting countries, was attained by Thailand, while exports for the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

In value terms, Malaysia ($351M), Indonesia ($309M) and Germany ($302M) constituted the countries with the highest levels of exports in 2018, with a combined 61% share of global exports. The Netherlands, Argentina, Belgium, the U.S., Thailand, France and Poland lagged somewhat behind, together comprising a further 28%.

Export Prices by Country

The average glycerol export price stood at $910 per tonne in 2018, surging by 26% against the previous year. In general, the export price indicated mild growth from 2013 to 2018: its price increased at an average annual rate of +1.5% over the last five-year period.

Prices varied noticeably by the country of origin; the country with the highest price was the U.S. ($1,274 per tonne), while Argentina ($741 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2013 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of prices was attained by France, while the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Imports by Country

In 2018, China (183K tonnes), the U.S. (144K tonnes) and the Netherlands (125K tonnes) represented the largest importer of glycerol in the world, generating 26% of total imports. The following importers – Japan (73K tonnes), India (72K tonnes), the UK (71K tonnes), Mexico (67K tonnes), France (64K tonnes), Thailand (63K tonnes), Russia (52K tonnes), Spain (45K tonnes) and the Czech Republic (43K tonnes) – together made up 32% of total imports.

From 2013 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of imports, amongst the main importing countries, was attained by the Czech Republic, while imports for the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

In value terms, the U.S. ($150M), China ($134M) and the Netherlands ($95M) were the countries with the highest levels of imports in 2018, together comprising 24% of global imports. These countries were followed by Japan, France, Mexico, India, the UK, Thailand, Spain, the Czech Republic and Russia, which together accounted for a further 32%.

Among the main importing countries, the Czech Republic experienced the highest growth rate of the value of imports, over the period under review, while imports for the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Source: IndexBox AI Platform

ginger

The Netherlands and China Are the Main Suppliers of Ginger into Russia

Demand and prices for ginger have skyrocketed in recent weeks, driven by the faith of Russian citizens in its miraculous properties to fight coronavirus.

According to the IndexBox’s report ‘Russian Federation – Ginger – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends and Insights’, the revenue of the ginger market in Russia was estimated at $26M in 2018. This figure reflects the total revenues of producers and importers (excluding logistics costs, retail marketing costs, and retailers’ margins, which will be included in the final consumer price). Since ginger is not grown in Russia, demand in the local market was fully covered by import supplies.

Imports into the Russian Federation

In 2018, the ginger imports into Russia amounted to 11K tonnes, going up by 2.5% against the previous year. Overall, ginger imports continue to indicate skyrocketing growth. The most prominent rate of growth was recorded in 2009 when imports increased by 91% against the previous year. Over the period under review, ginger imports reached their peak figure in 2018 and are likely to continue its growth in the immediate term.

In value terms, ginger imports amounted to $26M (IndexBox estimates) in 2018.

Imports by Country

The Netherlands (3.9K tonnes), China (2.5K tonnes) and Brazil (1.1K tonnes) were the main suppliers of ginger imports to Russia, together comprising 70% of total imports. Belgium, Belarus, Nigeria and Thailand lagged somewhat behind, together comprising a further 22%.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of imports, amongst the main suppliers, was attained by Belarus (+127.0% per year), while imports for the other leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

In value terms, the largest ginger suppliers to Russia were China ($9.4M), the Netherlands ($8.5M) and Brazil ($2.9M), together comprising 80% of total imports. Belgium, Thailand, Nigeria and Belarus lagged somewhat behind, together comprising a further 13%.

Belarus (+105.5% per year) recorded the highest growth rate of the value of imports, in terms of the main suppliers over the period under review, while imports for the other leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Import Prices by Country

In 2018, the average ginger import price amounted to $2,444 per tonne, falling by -7% against the previous year. In general, the import price indicated a remarkable increase from 2007 to 2018: its price increased at an average annual rate of +6.8% over the last eleven years. The trend pattern, however, indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded throughout the analyzed period. The most prominent rate of growth was recorded in 2010 an increase of 79% year-to-year. The import price peaked at $3,359 per tonne in 2014; however, from 2015 to 2018, import prices failed to regain their momentum.

There were significant differences in the average prices amongst the major supplying countries. In 2018, the country with the highest price was China ($3,842 per tonne), while the price for Belarus ($449 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of prices was attained by China, while the prices for the other major suppliers experienced more modest paces of growth.

Source: IndexBox AI Platform

eaglerail

THE EAGLERAIL HAS LANDED: CEO MIKE WYCHOCKI PUSHES A “NO BRAINER” WHEN IT COMES TO MOVING SHIPPING CONTAINERS AT CONGESTED PORTS

It’s amazing where new logistics solutions come from. They are usually born by veteran shippers with visions on how to improve an existing operation. Or it can be a customer or customers seeking help in conquering a specific challenge that eventually resonates throughout the industry.

Then there is the inception of Chicago-based EagleRail Container Logistics’ signature solution. It can be traced to a pitch meeting for a new monorail in Brazil that was attended by a port authority official who was there more as a cheerleader than a participant.

Watching a Chicago marketing man’s PowerPoint presentation about his company’s passenger monorail system to local leaders in São Paulo eight years ago, the port representative, Jose Newton Gama, marveled at how the magnetic levitation (Maglev) trains holding people would be suspended under overhead tracks.

Then the Brazilian known by friends as Newton raised his hand.

“Excuse me?” he asked the Americano. “Could your system be adapted to hold shipping containers?”

That had never occurred to project designers, whose monorail cars for passengers are much lighter than would be required for cargo containers hauled by ships, trucks and freight trains. But the marketing man shared Gama’s question with his colleagues in the Windy City, and that planted the seed that eventually bore EagleRail Container Logistics.

Chief Executive Officer Mike Wychocki was an early investor who eventually bought out that marketing man, but the first EagleRail system is named “Newton” after the Brazilian who now sits on the company’s board of advisors. “He’s a great guy,” says Wychocki during a recent phone interview. “Newton is our biggest cheerleader.”

Wychocki’s no slouch with the pom-poms himself, having pitched EagleRail at 40 ports in 20 countries over the past five years. His company, which has offices around the world, is developing its first prototype in China, and studies are underway at six ports as EagleRail sets about raising $20 million in capital. (The window for small investments had just closed when Wychocki was interviewed. His company has since shifted its focus to large investors.)

The way ports have operated for decades left no need for a system like EagleRail’s. Big ships dock, cranes remove containers stacked on their decks and each box is then moved onto the back of a flatbed truck that either hauls it to a distribution center or an intermodal yard. Until recent years, no one really thought of disrupting the process because, as Wychocki puts it, “you could always find cheaper truck drivers.”

However, truck driver shortages, port-area air pollution and congestion caused by the time it takes to load and unload ever-larger ships have prompted serious soul searching when it comes to short hauls. Expanding the size of ports is often not an option due to the cities that have grown to surround them. This has led to the creation of large container parks for trucks and/or freight trains within a few miles of ports, but getting boxes to those remains problematic—at a time when megaships are only making matters more difficult.

“There is an old saying that ports are where old trucks go to die,” says Wychocki, who ticks off as problems associated with that mode of moving containers pollution, maintenance and fuel costs, as well as the issues of public safety because some drivers essentially live inside of their vehicles, which can attract prostitution and leave behind litter and human waste. Adding even more of these dirty trucks would necessitate more road building, which only adds to environmental concerns.

With ground space at ports a constantly shrinking commodity, tunneling underground may be viewed as an option. But Wychocki points out that many ports have emerged on unstable ground like backfill, and water, power and sewer lines are usually below what’s under the streets beyond port gates. The idea of a hyperloop has been bandied about, but it would require emptying shipping containers at the port, loading the contents into smaller boxes, sending those through to another yard, and then repacking the shipping containers on the other side. “That defeats the whole point” of relieving port congestion, the EagleRail CEO says.

Ah, but every port has unused air space, which is what Wychocki’s company seeks to exploit. “If an Amazon warehouse can lift and shuttle packages robotically,” he says, “why not do the same with a 60,000-pound package? Go to a warehouse. See how Amazon works with packages. They use overhead light rails. It’s an obvious idea, so obvious. It’s a no brainer when you think about it.”

Yes, Amazon also uses drones, but can you imagine the size it would have to be to carry a 60,000-pound shipping container? Wychocki sees a suspended container track as an extension of the cranes on every loading dock worldwide, which is why EagleRail systems are also all-electric and composed of the same crane hardware to avoid snags when it comes to replacing parts.

However, Wychocki is quick to note EagleRail is not a total solution when it comes to port congestion. He calculates that among the short-haul trucks leaving a port, 50 percent are going to 500 different locations, many of which are different states away, while the other half is bound for just a couple nearby destinations. EagleRail is geared toward the latter, and the problem with getting containers to them “is not technological; it’s who controls the five kilometers between the port and the intermodal facility,” he says.

Lifting equipment at ports “is exactly the same in all 200 countries,” he adds. “The part that is not the same is the back end. What is the port’s configuration? Where do the roads come in? What we do is form a consortium and build it with each local player, such as the port authority, the road authority, the national rail company, the power company. Getting everyone involved helps get procurement and environmental rights of way.”

He concedes that getting everyone on board “varies by location,” but when it comes to environmental concerns “everyone’s kind of wanting to do this because it means fewer trucks, and the power companies would prefer the use of electricity (over burning diesel). It sounds harder than it is to get everyone rowing in the same direction.”

Wychocki points to another bonus with EagleRail: It allows for total control of one’s intermodal yard because containers come and go on the same circular route—all day long. “We take this on as a disruptive business model,” he says, noting that short-haul trucks generally involve the use of data-chain-breaking clipboards and mobile phones. EagleRail systems track containers on them in real-time, rolling in all customs paperwork and billing invoices automatically.

“It’s amazing, I just came from the Port of Rotterdam, where I was a keynote,” Wychocki says. “Even the biggest ports in the world like Antwerp were saying, ‘This is great. Why isn’t anyone else doing it?’”

Actually, EagleRail accidentally created direct competition. Wychocki explains that during the initial design phase, his company worked with a foreign monorail concern whose cars used what were essentially aircraft tires rolling inside a closed channel. Concerns about maintaining a system that would invariably involve frequently changing tires—and thus slowing down operations—caused EagleRail to reject that design in favor of another third-party’s calling for steel-on-steel wheels. The designer with tires is pressing on with its own system and without EagleRail.

“I’m glad we didn’t go that route,” says Wychocki, who nonetheless expects more serious competition once EagleRail systems are up and running. Fortunately for the company, there are plenty of ports bursting at the seams that cannot wait that long. Wychocki says a question he invariably gets after pitching EagleRail is: “Where were you 10 years ago? Usually, there is an urgency.”

That’s why “our goal was to get out of the gate fast, build market share and our brand and create a quasi-franchise network,” says Wychocki, whose business model has EagleRail owning 25 percent of a system while the port and other local entities own the rest.

He estimates that within 10 years, 12 EagleRail systems will be operating. If that sounds like a pipe dream, consider that his company’s newsletter boasts 3,000 subscribers before a system is even up and running. Wychocki does not credit “brilliant marketing” for that keen interest. “It’s because every port’s problems are getting worse. Everyone is squealing about what to do with these giant ships that cannot be unloaded fast enough. They are desperate.”

supplies

FREE TRADE IN MEDICINES AND SUPPLIES IS THE HEALTHIEST APPROACH

What Does Trade Have to Do with the Pandemic?

pandemic is a type of epidemic, wherein an outbreak of a disease not only affects a high proportion of the population at the same time, but also spreads quickly over a wide geographic area.

As the novel coronavirus jumped continents, governments in countries yet unaffected or with low incidence rates moved to prevent “importing” the virus through individual travel. Simultaneously, governments acted to create diagnostic kits and treatments for those with the virus – all praise our frontline healthcare workers.

Unfortunately, what could worsen the situation is a policy practice that seems to be infectious. More than 20 governments are banning the export of needed supplies, a prescription for shortages and higher prices. What the crisis also lays bare is that key countries and many important healthcare products remain outside a WTO agreement that would otherwise enable duty-free trade in the medicines and supplies we need on a regular basis.

Pandemic Proportions

In the history of pandemics, there has been none more deadly than the infamous Bubonic Plague which took 200 million lives in the mid-14th century, wiping out half the population on the European Continent. The pathogen spread through infected fleas carried by rodents, frequent travelers on trading ships. The practice of quarantine began in the seaport of Venice, which required any ships arriving from infected ports to sit at anchor for 40 days — quaranta giorni — before landing. Two centuries later, Small Pox took 56 million lives. In the modern era, some 40 to 50 million succumbed to the Spanish Flu of 1918 and HIV/AIDS has claimed 25-35 million lives since 1981.

For perspective, and not to minimize its severe toll, the number of fatalities from novel coronavirus will likely exceed 10,000 by the time of this writing. COVID-19, as it is currently known, is a reminder that we live with the ongoing threat from many types of both known infectious diseases like cholera, Zika and Avian flu, as well as diseases yet unknown to us. Although we can more rapidly detect, contain and treat epidemics, diseases now travel at the speed of a person on board an international flight. Our cities are bigger and denser, further enabling rapid transmission.

Pandemic Prepping Includes Trade

Because we are interconnected, we share the health risks, but we can also problem-solve as a global community. Scientists in international labs share insights to identify viruses, swap guidance on how to conduct confirmatory tests, and quickly communicate best practices for containment.

Outside times of crisis, global trade in health-related products and services has laid the foundation for faster medical breakthroughs through international research and development projects, and by diversifying the capability to produce medical supplies, devices, diagnostics and pharmaceuticals.

Innovation thrives in the United States like nowhere else. Yet, no single country, not even the United States, can discover, produce and distribute diagnostics, vaccines and cures for everything that ails us — or invent every medical intervention that improves the productivity and quality of our lives.

One Quarter of medicines have tariffs

A Dose of Foresight

As the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations were drawing to a close in 1994, a group of countries representing (at the time) 90 percent of total pharmaceutical production came to an agreement. Each government would eliminate customs duties on pharmaceutical products and avoid trade-restrictive or trade-distorting measures that would otherwise frustrate the objective of duty-free trade in medicines.

The WTO’s Pharmaceutical Tariff Elimination Agreement, which entered into force on January 1, 1995, is known as a “zero-for-zero initiative” to eliminate duties reciprocally in a particular industrial sector. Signed onto over subsequent years by the United States, Europe’s 28 member states, Japan, Canada, Norway, Switzerland, Australia and handful of others, the agreement initially covered approximately 7,000 items that included formulated or dosed medicines, medicines traded in bulk, active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) and other chemical intermediaries in finished pharmaceuticals.

Signatories agreed to expand the list in 1996, 1998, 2006 and 2010 so it now covers more than 10,000 products. Tariffs were eliminated on a most-favored-nation basis, meaning it was extended to imports from all WTO members, not just parties to the agreement.

Maintenance Drugs

Though an important start, the agreement has not been updated in a decade. Trade in products covered by the WTO agreement has risen from $1.3 trillion in 2009 to $1.9 trillion in 2018. Yet, some 1,000 finished products and 700 ingredients are not covered under the agreement, leaving pharmaceutical trade subject to hundreds of millions in customs duties. With China and India increasing manufacturing over the last decade, the value of global trade included in duty-free treatment decreased from 90 percent in 1995 to 81 percent in 2009 to 78 percent in 2018.

It is challenging to chart trade statistics and tariffs on health-related products, particularly since many chemical ingredients have both medical and non-medical uses. Here we have attempted to reproduce tables developed by the WTO in 2010, but we do not include a large number of chemicals that have general use whose tariff lines were not enumerated in the WTO’s analysis.

Health Product Import Shares

In 2010, the European Union and the United States together accounted for almost half of all world imports of health-related products. Europe has become a much larger importer while U.S. imports have decreased slightly as a percentage of global imports. Imports by many big emerging markets including Brazil, Mexico, China, India and Turkey, have increased along with their purchasing power. These countries benefit from zero duties when importing from countries that signed on to the WTO Pharmaceutical Trade Agreement.

Health Product Export Shares

On the export side, Europe dramatically increased its share of global exports while the United States dropped across the board compared to 2010, particularly in medical products and supplies. China shows significant growth in exports of inputs specific to the pharmaceutical industry – including antibiotics, hormones and vitamins – as well as medical equipment including diagnostic reagents, gloves, syringes and medical devices. India also increased its exports of all types of pharmaceuticals, particularly ingredients, but did not drive up its share across all types of exported health-related products. China and India would benefit from zero duties without having to reciprocate for exports from countries that signed on to the WTO agreement.

That said, according to the trade data, China and India still only account for 5.4 percent of global exports in health-related products covered by the agreement. Therefore, simply expanding membership to include these countries is not sufficient to enlarge duty-free trade – the number of tariff lines covered by the agreement would also need to expand to capture a significant portion of traded healthcare products.

Emerging Market Pharm Trade

Tariffs as a Symptom

The final price of a pharmaceutical is determined by many factors that differ by country. Costs and markups occur along the distribution chain from port charges to warehousing, to local government taxes, distribution charges, and hospital or retailer markups. Tariffs may seem a relatively small component of the final price, but the effect is compounded as all of these “internal” costs accumulate and they are symptomatic of complex regulatory systems.

A 2017 study by the European Centre for International Political Economy determined that tariffs on final prices add an annual burden of up to $6.2 billion in China. In Brazil and India, tariffs on medicines may increase the final price by up to 80 percent of the ex-factory sales price. Imported pharmaceuticals are at a clear disadvantage and patients bear the burden in cost and diminished availability.

Side Effects

According to the U.S. International Trade Commission, the U.S. pharmaceutical industry historically shipped bulk APIs from foreign production sites to the United States before formulating into dosed products. After the WTO agreement, it became viable to import more finished products duty-free. Over the years, a failure to add more APIs to the duty-free list reinforced this trend. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration also allows firms to import formulated products prior to receiving marketing approval to prepare for a new product launch but does not allow bulk API importation before market approval.

The urgency to accrue adequate supplies and treatments for COVID-19 has reignited a debate on U.S. over-reliance on China and India for antibiotics, among other medicines. What if factories must close? What if China and India withhold supplies? If raw materials and ingredients are derived in those countries, would the United States be able to ramp up domestic production? The White House is considering incentives and Buy America government procurement requirements to stimulate demand for U.S. production and in the meanwhile has temporarily reduced tariffs on medical supplies such as disposable gloves, face masks and other common hospital items from China.

20 Countries Ban Medical Exports

A Cure Worse Than the Disease

Removing barriers to trade in essential products is a healthier approach than imposing restrictions that could exacerbate potential shortages.

Nonetheless, some 20 countries have announced a ban on the export of medical gear – masks, gloves, and protective suits worn by medical professionals. They include Germany, France, Turkey, Russia, South Korea, India, Taiwan, Thailand and Kazakhstan.

Governments generally do maintain national stocks of critical items to enable manufacturers to ramp up production in cases of health emergencies or address unexpected gaps in their supply chains. But when major producers withhold global supply, importing countries face shortages and higher prices. Dangerously, India’s trade restrictions go beyond medical gear to restrict export of 26 pharmaceutical ingredients. India, however, relies heavily on APIs imported from China for their medicines, much of it originating from factories in Hubei province where the outbreak emerged.

Bans tend to beget more bans, potentially wreaking havoc on pharmaceutical and medical product supply chains, making it more difficult for healthcare workers to stem spread of the virus. Poorer countries with already fragile and underfunded healthcare systems are left in an even more vulnerable position.

A Test for Public-Private Collaboration

Instead of export restrictions, governments can expedite purchase orders and otherwise support industry efforts to ramp up production for domestic and global use. Most global manufacturers are operating at several times their usual capacity since the initial outbreak in China. Private labs are utilizing high-throughput platforms to conduct more tests faster but require trade in the chemical reagents needed to start up and run the tests.

Biopharmaceutical firms are applying their scientific expertise to accelerate the development of a vaccine and treatments for COVID-19. They are reviewing their research portfolios, investigating previously approved medicines that have potential to treat the virus, and donating approved investigational medicines to the global research effort. Internationally, scientists are collaborating through a Norway-based nonprofit called the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations on COVID-19 vaccine development. They know that the more options, the better – most drug candidates will not get through all three phases of clinical trials.

Recovery

Epidemic diseases evolve and they do not respect borders. Treating them, as well as the myriad chronic diseases and other ailments that affect us more routinely, requires new and adapted medical technologies arising from innovation made widely available through trade.

While there’s nothing inherently wrong with providing incentives to encourage domestic production, it should not come at the expense of free trade in health-related products. Tariffs should be eliminated on life-saving medicines and their ingredients. Governments must impose restrictions on exports temporarily and only when absolutely necessary. In this way, openness in trade will help promote the recovery of both our health and our economies.

Many thanks to economist and contributor Alice Calder for running all the trade numbers in this article. Full data tables may be accessed here.

__________________________________________________________________

Andrea Durkin is the Editor-in-Chief of TradeVistas and Founder of Sparkplug, LLC. Ms. Durkin previously served as a U.S. Government trade negotiator and has proudly taught international trade policy and negotiations for the last fifteen years as an Adjunct Professor at Georgetown University’s Master of Science in Foreign Service program.

Alice Calder

Alice Calder received her MA in Applied Economics at GMU. Originally from the UK, where she received her BA in Philosophy and Political Economy from the University of Exeter, living and working internationally sparked her interest in trade issues as well as the intersection of economics and culture.

This article originally appeared on TradeVistas.org. Republished with permission.

cement

Global Cement Market Reached $305B, With China Leading the Expansion

IndexBox has just published a new report: ‘World – Cement – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends And Insights’. Here is a summary of the report’s key findings.

The global cement market revenue amounted to $305.4B in 2018, flattening at the previous year. This figure reflects the total revenues of producers and importers (excluding logistics costs, retail marketing costs, and retailers’ margins, which will be included in the final consumer price). The market value increased at an average annual rate of +3.0% from 2007 to 2018; however, the trend pattern indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded in certain years.

Consumption By Country

China (2,363M tonnes) remains the largest cement consuming country worldwide, accounting for 58% of total volume. Moreover, cement consumption in China exceeded the figures recorded by the second-largest consumer, India (289M tonnes), eightfold. The third position in this ranking was occupied by the U.S. (101M tonnes), with a 2.5% share. From 2007 to 2018, the average annual growth rate of volume in China totaled +5.2%.

Production 2007-2018

In 2018, the global cement production totaled 4,072M tonnes, growing by 1.8% against the previous year. The total output volume increased at an average annual rate of +3.6% from 2007 to 2018; however, the trend pattern indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded in certain years.

In value terms, cement production amounted to $289.7B in 2018 estimated in export prices. The total output value increased at an average annual rate of +2.6% from 2007 to 2018.

Production By Country

The country with the largest volume of cement production was China (2,370M tonnes), accounting for 58% of total volume. Moreover, cement production in China exceeded the figures recorded by the second-largest producer, India (290M tonnes), eightfold. The U.S. (89M tonnes) ranked third in terms of total production with a 2.2% share.

Exports 2007-2018

In 2018, the amount of cement exported worldwide amounted to 113M tonnes, picking up by 12% against the previous year. In value terms, cement exports stood at $8.1B (IndexBox estimates) in 2018. Over the period under review, cement exports, however, continue to indicate a slight decline.

Exports by Country

In 2018, China (7,314K tonnes), Germany (6,242K tonnes), Canada (6,241K tonnes), Viet Nam (6,196K tonnes), the United Arab Emirates (5,592K tonnes), Turkey (5,484K tonnes), Pakistan (4,190K tonnes), Greece (4,036K tonnes), Spain (3,657K tonnes), Japan (3,233K tonnes), Senegal (3,028K tonnes) and Slovakia (2,503K tonnes) were the main exporters of cement exported in the world, generating 51% of total export.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of exports, amongst the main exporting countries, was attained by the United Arab Emirates, while exports for the other global leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Export Prices by Country

The average cement export price stood at $72 per tonne in 2018, remaining relatively unchanged against the previous year. In general, the cement export price continues to indicate a relatively flat trend pattern. Prices varied noticeably by the country of origin; the country with the highest price was Germany ($83 per tonne), while Greece ($49 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

Imports 2007-2018

In 2018, the amount of cement imported worldwide stood at 122M tonnes, going up by 11% against the previous year. The total import volume increased at an average annual rate of +2.1% from 2007 to 2018. In value terms, cement imports stood at $8.9B (IndexBox estimates) in 2018. The total import value increased at an average annual rate of +1.2% from 2007 to 2018.

Imports by Country

In 2018, the U.S. (14M tonnes), followed by Sri Lanka (6,687K tonnes) represented the main importers of cement, together comprising 17% of total imports. China, Hong Kong SAR (5,399K tonnes), the Philippines (4,652K tonnes), Oman (4,509K tonnes), Singapore (4,382K tonnes), France (3,859K tonnes), the UK (3,430K tonnes), the Netherlands (3,320K tonnes), Palestine (2,706K tonnes), Cambodia (2,479K tonnes) and Mali (2,292K tonnes) followed a long way behind the leaders.

Imports into the U.S. increased at an average annual rate of +1.8% from 2007 to 2018. The Philippines (+3.8 p.p.), Sri Lanka (+3.8 p.p.), China, Hong Kong SAR (+3.4 p.p.), Oman (+3.4 p.p.), the U.S. (+2.1 p.p.) and Cambodia (+1.5 p.p.) significantly strengthened its position in terms of the global imports, while the shares of the other countries remained relatively stable throughout the analyzed period.

Import Prices by Country

In 2018, the average cement import price amounted to $73 per tonne, rising by 1.9% against the previous year. Overall, the cement import price, however, continues to indicate a relatively flat trend pattern. Prices varied noticeably by the country of destination; the country with the highest price was the Netherlands ($101 per tonne), while Singapore ($45 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

Companies Mentioned

Lafarge Holcim , Anhui Conch Cement Company Limited , China National Building Materials (CNBM), China Resources Cement Holdings, HeidelbergCement AG, Cemex, S.A. de C.V., Saint-Gobain, Ambuja Cements, Italcementi, Votorantim Cimentos

Source: IndexBox AI Platform

salt

Asia’s Salt Market – India is the Largest and Fastest Growing Exporter in the Region

IndexBox has just published a new report: ‘Asia – Salt – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends and Insights’. Here is a summary of the report’s key findings.

The revenue of the salt market in Asia amounted to $8.3B in 2018, approximately equating the previous year. This figure reflects the total revenues of producers and importers (excluding logistics costs, retail marketing costs, and retailers’ margins, which will be included in the final consumer price). The market value increased at an average annual rate of +3.8% from 2007 to 2018; the trend pattern indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded over the period under review.

Consumption By Country

China (74M tonnes) remains the largest salt consuming country in Asia, comprising approx. 57% of total consumption. Moreover, salt consumption in China exceeded the figures recorded by the region’s second-largest consumer, India (16M tonnes), fivefold. The third position in this ranking was occupied by Japan (5.7M tonnes), with a 4.4% share.

From 2007 to 2018, the average annual rate of growth in terms of volume in China stood at +1.5%. The remaining consuming countries recorded the following average annual rates of consumption growth: India (+0.8% per year) and Japan (-0.9% per year).

In value terms, China ($5.3B) led the market, alone. The second position in the ranking was occupied by Pakistan ($435M). It was followed by Japan.

In 2018, the highest levels of salt per capita consumption was registered in Taiwan, Chinese (134 kg per person), followed by Turkey (63 kg per person), Saudi Arabia (61 kg per person) and South Korea (53 kg per person), while the world average per capita consumption of salt was estimated at 28 kg per person.

In Taiwan, Chinese, salt per capita consumption remained relatively stable over the period from 2007-2018. The remaining consuming countries recorded the following average annual rates of per capita consumption growth: Turkey (+5.3% per year) and Saudi Arabia (+0.7% per year).

Production in Asia

In 2018, approx. 124M tonnes of salt and pure sodium chloride were produced in Asia; growing by 2.1% against the previous year. The total output volume increased at an average annual rate of +2.3% from 2007 to 2018; the trend pattern remained consistent, with somewhat noticeable fluctuations being observed in certain years. The pace of growth was the most pronounced in 2013 when production volume increased by 14% y-o-y. In that year, salt production reached its peak volume of 124M tonnes. From 2014 to 2018, salt production growth failed to regain its momentum.

In value terms, salt production totaled $8.2B in 2018 estimated in export prices. The total output value increased at an average annual rate of +3.3% over the period from 2007 to 2018; the trend pattern indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded in certain years.

Exports in Asia

In 2018, approx. 16M tonnes of salt and pure sodium chloride were exported in Asia; going up by 21% against the previous year. In general, salt exports continue to indicate buoyant growth. The pace of growth was the most pronounced in 2011 with an increase of 44% year-to-year. The volume of exports peaked in 2018 and are likely to continue its growth in the immediate term.

In value terms, salt exports amounted to $528M (IndexBox estimates) in 2018. In general, salt exports continue to indicate prominent growth. The most prominent rate of growth was recorded in 2008 when exports increased by 49% y-o-y. Over the period under review, salt exports reached their maximum in 2018 and are expected to retain its growth in the immediate term.

Exports by Country

India prevails in salt exports structure, reaching 13M tonnes, which was approx. 79% of total exports in 2018. It was distantly followed by China (1,448K tonnes), committing a 9% share of total exports. The following exporters – Kazakhstan (377K tonnes), Turkey (375K tonnes) and Pakistan (301K tonnes) – each finished at a 6.5% share of total exports.

From 2007 to 2018, average annual rates of growth with regard to salt exports from India stood at +25.1%. At the same time, Kazakhstan (+53.6%), Turkey (+26.7%), Pakistan (+18.1%) and China (+5.9%) displayed positive paces of growth. Moreover, Kazakhstan emerged as the fastest-growing exporter in Asia, with a CAGR of +53.6% from 2007-2018. While the share of India (+73 p.p.), China (+4.2 p.p.), Kazakhstan (+2.3 p.p.), Turkey (+2.2 p.p.) and Pakistan (+1.6 p.p.) increased significantly, the shares of the other countries remained relatively stable throughout the analyzed period.

In value terms, India ($227M) remains the largest salt supplier in Asia, comprising 43% of total salt exports. The second position in the ranking was occupied by China ($93M), with a 18% share of total exports. It was followed by Pakistan, with a 9.8% share.

In India, salt exports increased at an average annual rate of +22.2% over the period from 2007-2018. In the other countries, the average annual rates were as follows: China (+9.1% per year) and Pakistan (+28.6% per year).

Export Prices by Country

In 2018, the salt export price in Asia amounted to $33 per tonne, dropping by -2.5% against the previous year. Overall, the salt export price continues to indicate a noticeable downturn. The growth pace was the most rapid in 2008 when the export price increased by 26% year-to-year. In that year, the export prices for salt and pure sodium chloride reached their peak level of $63 per tonne. From 2009 to 2018, the growth in terms of the export prices for salt and pure sodium chloride failed to regain its momentum.

Prices varied noticeably by the country of origin; the country with the highest price was Pakistan ($171 per tonne), while India ($18 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2007 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of prices was attained by Pakistan, while the other leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Source: IndexBox AI Platform