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USTR Grants Extensions to Products Subject to Section 301 List 1

products

USTR Grants Extensions to Products Subject to Section 301 List 1

The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (“USTR”) announced today that it will extend certain product exclusions scheduled to expire on July 9, 2020, for twelve (12) specific products which were subject to Section 301 List 1 tariffs at a rate of 25%.  As a result of these extensions, the exclusion extensions will now expire on December 31, 2020.

The products for which the Section 301 exclusions were extended include the following:

(1) Direct-acting and spring return pneumatic actuators, each rated at a maximum pressure of 10 bar and valued over $68 but not over $72 per unit (described in statistical reporting number 8412.39.0080);

(2) Pump casings and bodies (described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9080 prior to January 1, 2019; described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9095 effective January 7 1, 2019 through December 31, 2019; described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9085 or 8413.91.9096 effective January 1, 2020);

(3) Pump covers (described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9080 prior to January 1, 2019; described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9095 effective January 1, 2019, through December 31, 2019; described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9085 or 8413.91.9096 effective January 1, 2020);

(4) Pump parts, of plastics, each valued not over $3 (described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9080 prior to January 1, 2019; described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9095 effective January 1, 2019, through December 31, 2019; described in statistical reporting number 8413.91.9085 or 8413.91.9096 effective January 1, 2020);

(5) Compressors, other than screw type, used in air conditioning equipment in motor vehicles, each valued over $88 but not over $92 per unit (described in statistical reporting number 8414.30.8030);

(6) Structural components for industrial furnaces (described in statistical reporting number 8514.90.8000);

(7) Aluminum electrolytic capacitors, each valued not over $3.20 (described in statistical reporting number 8532.22.0085);

(8) Rotary switches, rated at over 5 A, measuring not more than 5.5 cm by 5.0 cm by 3.4 cm, each with 2 to 8 spade terminals and an actuator shaft with D-shaped cross-section (described in statistical reporting number 8536.50.9025);

(9) Rotary switches, single pole, single-throw (SPST), rated at over 5 A, each measuring not more than 14.6 cm by 8.9 cm by 14.1 cm (described in statistical reporting number 8536.50.9025);

(10) Zinc anodes for use with machines and apparatus for electroplating, electrolysis or electrophoresis (described in statistical reporting number 8543.30.9080);

(11) Weather station sets, each consisting of a monitoring display and outdoor weather sensors, having a transmission range of not over 140 m and valued not over $50 per set (described in statistical reporting number 9015.80.8080); and

(12) Multi-leaf collimators of radiotherapy systems based on the use of X-ray (described in statistical reporting number 9022.90.6000).

USTR requested comments in April on whether or not it should extend the exclusions, which were originally issued on July 9, 2019. Over 100 products which were previously granted exclusions and which were not listed in this extension notice will now expire on July 9, 2020.

To view the full list of extended product exclusions, please click here.

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Nithya Nagarajan is a Washington-based partner with the law firm Husch Blackwell LLP. She practices in the International Trade & Supply Chain group of the firm’s Technology, Manufacturing & Transportation industry team.

Cortney O’Toole Morgan is a Washington D.C.-based partner with the law firm Husch Blackwell LLP. She leads the firm’s International Trade & Supply Chain group.

Camron Greer is an Assistant Trade Analyst in Husch Blackwell LLP’s Washington D.C. office.

 

fireworks

DESPITE TRADE TENSIONS FIREWORKS EXPORTS FROM CHINA ARE BOOMING

Liuyang, China: Birthplace and Epicenter of Fireworks Production

Many historians credit the Chinese in ancient Liuyang with creating the first natural firecracker around 200 B.C. Roasting bamboo caused it to explode due to its hollow air pockets. The noise it generated was said to ward off evil spirits. Some 800 to 1,000 years later, Chinese alchemists mixed saltpeter, charcoal, sulfur and other ingredients to discover an early form of gunpowder. When they stuffed that mixture into bamboo shoots and threw them into a fire, boom – the first “modern” fireworks were born.

Capitalizing on its pedigree of two centuries of fireworks production, Liuyang has focused its economy on becoming the undisputed fireworks capital of the world. Overall, China produces some 90 percent of the world’s fireworks. Around 60 percent of those are made in Liuyang.

Global Fireworks Exports in 2017

Potential Powder Keg: Mr. Ding’s Dynasty

Whether you bought a multipack of screamers, bottle rockets, and roman candles from a roadside stand, or plan to watch a professionally-designed community display this Fourth of July, chances are the fireworks themselves were produced in China. In 2016, the United States imported $307.8 million worth of fireworks. Nearly all, $296.2 million worth, came from China. U.S. consumers purchase about half of the pyrotechnics China exports globally.

That may not be very surprising when you consider the abundant use of pyrotechnics at American events and celebrations. “Thunder Over Louisville” is an annual event that blasts through 60 tons of fireworks in 30 minutes.

What might be concerning, however, is the discovery by a Washington Post investigative team that around 70 percent of all Chinese fireworks entering the United States are produced, warehoused, transported, and ultimately imported under the control of companies owned by just one Chinese businessman, Ding Yan Zhong. The reporters estimate that Mr. Ding’s companies have imported 7,400 containers, 241 million pounds, of fireworks so far this year. Of the 108 containers that arrive on average every day, 72 are controlled by Mr. Ding.

Another Example of China on the Smile Curve?

There is a brighter side for the American fireworks industry. While there’s practically no firework manufacturing left in the United States, jobs in and around the fireworks industry follow a familiar pattern where the lower-skilled work is performed in China and other, higher value-added jobs can be found occupied by Americans. Here are some examples.

Pyrotechnic engineers are trained chemists who deploy their knowledge of how certain compounds react with other inputs to create bigger, brighter, and more exciting pyrotechnics. We love the classic chrysanthemum, peonies, and willow fireworks that send bright stars scattering into arcing trails. But we also await each Fourth of July the new patterns and colors these engineers have dreamed up.

The mean salary for a U.S.-based chemical engineer in 2015 was $103,960. Contrast this job with a firework maker in Liuyang, China, where most fireworks are still made by hand, by women for a mere $80-285 a month depending on skill level. It’s not just low paying; it’s dangerous work. According to a Slate article, Wang Haoshui, chief engineer with China’s State Administration of Workplace Safety, told a Chinese newspaper that only coal mining was considered a more dangerous occupation in China.

Today China produces 90% of the world’s fireworks.

In more desirable parts of the fireworks ecosystem, American show producers spend their days “choreographing” pyrotechnic displays for large scale events in sports arenas (Super Bowl halftime show and the Olympics) and concert venues (Kiss and Mötley Crüe). Winco Fireworks in Prairie Village, Kansas, imports and distributes fireworks but also innovates electrical firing systems. The company just launched the FireFly firing system that allows backyard enthusiasts to sync their music using Bluetooth® technology while detonating their fireworks wirelessly. Enthusiasts turned entrepreneurs are also common in the American fireworks industry. Scott Smith is one such example. He’s an electrical and computer systems engineer from Ganesvoort in upstate New York and founded COBRA, a company that creates software for designing fireworks shows.

Growth is Explosive in China

As with so many other consumer products, demand for fireworks is growing so rapidly in China that Liuyang manufacturers are turning their attention inward. China’s Spring Festival and lunar New Year celebrations offer healthy competition to demand for fireworks at American Fourth of July parties.

Chinese manufacturers also say it’s getting harder to export due to strict U.S. requirements. The U.S. American Tobacco and Firearms agency (ATF) requires “anyone in the business of importing, manufacturing, dealing in, or otherwise receiving display fireworks” to first obtain a Federal explosives license or permit from ATF for the specific activity. Firecrackers sold to the American public can only have 50 milligrams or less of pyrotechnic composition per firecracker.

China’s regulations are more permissive, not simply as they pertain to manufacturing, but also with respect to the power consumer fireworks can pack. Fireworks available for purchase can be several times more potent than fireworks that have been banned in the United States.

US fireworks consumption

Trade Ensures the Continuation of an American Tradition

The first American fireworks display is said to have taken place in Jamestown in 1608. According to historians, John Adams wrote a letter to his wife on July 3, 1776 in which he predicted that the Fourth of July, the day on which the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence, would be “the most memorable in the history of America… celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival.”

He went on to suggest the commemorations “be solemnized with pomp and parade…and illuminations [fireworks]…from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore.” Wherever and with whomever you enjoy those colorful bursts in the night sky, celebrate this symbol of American independence and also the economic dynamism we currently enjoy thanks to our role in the global economy.

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Andrea Durkin is the Editor-in-Chief of TradeVistas and Founder of Sparkplug, LLC. Ms. Durkin previously served as a U.S. Government trade negotiator and has proudly taught international trade policy and negotiations for the last fifteen years as an Adjunct Professor at Georgetown University’s Master of Science in Foreign Service program.

This article originally appeared on TradeVistas.org. Republished with permission.

tariff exclusions

What Your Business Needs to Know and Do About Tariff Exclusions

As COVID-19 continues to wreak havoc on the world economy, it’s prudent to find ways to keep your shipping business afloat by finding economic relief if and whenever possible. First off, being aware of the changing complexities of the China-U.S. trade war is essential. According to the Census Bureau’s Foreign Trade Statistics, China is one of our country’s largest trading partners, which means companies large and small are likely affected by the trade situation. Last year, the U.S. imported $452 billion from China, which made up about 14% of overall U.S. imports by value.

Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 allows the U.S. to impose trade sanctions as recourse for unfair foreign trade practices. In 2017, China was under investigation for issues regarding innovation practices, intellectual property rights, and technology transfer. Since then, retaliation measures have been put in place for the past couple of years and remain in effect for an indefinite amount of time. While the USTR recently announced reductions on some tariff measures and a suspension of others, about two-thirds of U.S. imports from China are still taxed an additional 7.5% to 25%, covering about $350 billion worth of product. Keep in mind, the average duty rate for U.S. imports is only 2%; thus, China’s products are incurring additional costs on top of that.

The current tariffs are extremely broad and cover many industries including food/beverage, industrial supplies, transport equipment, consumption goods, and fuels and lubricants. As of this month, the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) reports collecting $52 billion in Section 301 duties since the trade remedies took effect.

This is a hot issue for importers and we’re currently seeing more industry associations and companies pushing for relief from these measures. While the period to request exclusions from the Section 301 tariffs is now closed, it is a great time to confirm that you are doing all you can to potentially recover duties previously paid, and potentially apply on a go-forward basis the exclusions that the USTR has been granting against certain products.

How to seek relief now and in the future

Cost savings and refunds are top of mind for all, so to help provide some relief, the USTR has released many tariff exclusions shippers can apply for. The important thing to keep in mind here is that ample work is involved. It’s not just a one-time process, because you’ll likely need to continuously apply for new exemptions where applicable. Some of the exclusions being granted are product-specific whereas some are granted at the HTS classification. You’ll also want to be ready in case CBP asks for proof of eligibility. Staying organized is paramount to identify the opportunities and defend against CBP scrutiny.

Each exclusion round also has a validity period, and many of those expiration dates are coming up fast! We’re seeing the USTR opening several new short-window comment periods to consider extending previously granted tariff exclusions. This could be your chance to drop commentary to protect and extend your granted exclusions or to oppose competitors, if applicable and necessary so that your company is not left at a disadvantage.

What are the eligibility requirements?

Eligibility is simple – companies affected by the China 301 tariffs.

Exclusions can be granted based on sourcing, impact on U.S. jobs and product type and need. Producers of goods used to combat COVID-19 can also be eligible for exclusions.

Also, tariff exclusions are retroactive to the date the tariffs were first applied, and exclusions generally expire after one year from the date of publication of the granted exclusion.

Important Reminder for Process

The customs entry and liquidation process is complicated, spanning a lengthy period. It can take up to 480 days and is broken down into these windows of time:

1. Day 1: Customs entry is filed

2. Day 1 – 300: Post Summary Correction (PSC) – can be filed to request refund prior to the entry liquidating

3. Day 300: PSC no longer eligible as entry is deemed liquidated (importer may request suspension or extension of liquidation prior to this point).

4. Day 301 – 480: Entry is liquidated, and protest must be filed to request a refund

5. Day 480+: Entry may be past protest period and is no longer eligible for a refund request via PSC or protest.

Since the process is lengthy, make sure you consider these tips when conducting your duty recovery analysis:

-Know your product (10-digit HTS codes and know the barcodes toward the products)

-Apply their qualifications

-Narrow down lists of products impacted by tariffs

-Identify which ones have exclusions granted – work with that list

-Run a report and gather import activity

-Start looking at validity dates

-Make sure brokers are applying it to the new shipments of the products

-File petitions if you want to continue to take advantage of it

Insights for the future

The trade war is not ending soon and it’s hard to unravel, but we know it’s an important issue that we can expect to see in the spotlight for the foreseeable future. Customers are advised to stay close to this and to pay attention to the advisories from C.H. Robinson and USTR.

To check for exclusion status against your products click the resources here:

1. $34 Billion Trade Action (List 1),

2.  $16 Billion Trade Action (List 2),

3. $200 Billion Trade Action (List 3)

4. $300 Billion Trade Action (List 4)

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streaming

TRADE BARRIERS EVOLVE WITH MOVIE STREAMING TRENDS

We’re All Streaming Now

During our collective stay-at-home period, movie streaming has grown to the point where industry analysts are wondering whether many people will return to movie theaters. Netflix reported 15.8 million new subscribers for the first quarter of the year, more than double their forecast, according to the Wall Street Journal. Some studios are eschewing the traditional theatrical release and going straight to digital. As some indicator of how the trend is taking off, the Motion Picture Academy has said that — just for this year — movies released via streaming would be eligible for the upcoming Oscars.

Streaming movies online has been growing in popularity in recent years, but the coronavirus has accelerated the trend. Unfortunately, where consumer and commercial trends go, trade policy barriers may follow.

The Hollywood Juggernaut

Movies both reflect and shape our national cultures. Hollywood has traditionally dominated among international viewership (a phenomenon that has been shifting over recent years), sometimes to the consternation of “keepers of culture” in other countries. As far back as the 1920s, European countries offered subsidies to domestic film producers and imposed so-called screen quotas to establish a minimum number of screening days for domestic films. The OECD keeps track of restrictions on services trade in OECD member countries, including audiovisual services, the category under which movies fall. According to the OECD, eleven countries still today reserve a quota for local motion pictures shown in theaters or on television.

Other measures to shore up local culture against the tidal wave of cultural influence that is Hollywood include import quotas, tax breaks to domestic film industries, foreign investment restrictions, requirements for local sourcing of cast and crews, and blackout periods during which no new imported films may be released, often during prime movie-going periods or timed to political events.

Film Distribution in Hollywood

Ready, Action…Trade

Such measures discriminate against the film industries of other countries and constitute barriers to trade. Policymakers have sought to address screen quotas in trade agreements such as the WTO’s General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the original North American Free Trade Agreement (where Mexico agreed to reduce its screen quotas). Provisions to remove barriers to audiovisual services have also been included in many recent bilateral free trade agreements.

In the case of Korea, whose vibrant film industry reached a pinnacle of global recognition with the Academy’s choice of Parasite as Best Picture in 2020, formal restrictions targeting foreign films date back to Korea’s Motion Picture Law of the 1960s. The Korean government abolished its import quota in the late 1980s, and only after the Motion Picture Export Association of America (MPEA) in 1985 filed a complaint (later withdrawn) with the U.S. Trade Representative under section 301, the same tool being used today to try to address China’s technology transfer requirements. In 2006, just prior to the Korea-U.S. (KORUS) free trade agreement negotiations, Korea agreed to reduce by half its screen quota from a minimum of 146 days to the current 73 days per year.

Digital Era Trade Restrictions

While cultural protections for film have traditionally focused on theatrical screenings, screen quotas don’t work in the digital era, where on-demand audiovisual services such as Netflix and Amazon Prime are increasingly capturing viewership. As a result, new forms of trade barriers are popping up.

For example, China has imposed tighter regulatory controls in recent years, limiting foreign content purchased for streaming in the Chinese market, which has over 850 million digital consumers. U.S. streamers must license their content for China under a 30 percent streaming quota. Chinese content, however, can reach global audiences through video streaming platforms with no such numerical limits. In today’s tense political environment – and with China marking the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the Communist Party in 2021 – we could anticipate increased censorship, which would exacerbate the problem of foreign content scarcity while simultaneously elevating the risk of piracy and other illegal distribution of unauthorized content.

In line with a longstanding European Union (EU) focus on protecting the European film industry, the EU passed a law in late 2018 that requires Netflix, Amazon and other online streaming services to dedicate at least 30 percent of their output to films made in Europe, which they must subsidize by either directly commissioning content or contributing to national film funds. Regulation now applies similar rules to similar services, whether online or offline.

U.S. and European trade discussions are now focused on a limited set of issue areas, but in an earlier push for a Transatlantic Trade & Investment Partnership (TTIP) in 2013, the camera zoomed in on issues of culture in trade negotiations. At the time, the European Commission was given a negotiation mandate that expressly excluded opening the European audiovisual sector to competition from U.S. firms.

China has 850 million digital consumers

Competition Makes Most Things Better – Even Movies

Culture clashes aside, there is a strong case that greater competition has been the force behind successful film industries outside of Hollywood. Researchers Jimmyn Parc and Patrick Messelin posit that the success of contemporary Korean cinema is due to “less interventionist public policies over the last two decades,” together with “benchmarking, learning, and innovating among non-subsidized private companies.” They point to data from the decade preceding the industry’s opening in the late 1980s, when the Korean film industry released around 90 films per year with an average revenue of KRW ₩0.9 billion per film (roughly USD $0.7 million at the current exchange rate). From 1989-2005, around 75 films were released per year with an average revenue of KRW ₩2.7 billion per film (roughly USD $2.2 million at the current exchange rate), a signal of the improvement in film quality.

Brian Yecies of the University of Wollongong Australia agrees that Korea’s efforts to liberalize in the 1980s and address censorship enhanced competition. As Hollywood expanded into Asia-Pacific markets, Korean cinema became stronger. The increased distribution and exhibition of U.S. films, Yecies argues, gave birth to a new generation of moviegoers who also increased their consumption of Korean content. Park Moo Jong credits three elements with reviving the Korean film industry: talented young filmmakers, the virtual abolition of government censorship, and remarkable technological developments. In short, he says, “Good films attract fans.”

EU streaming requirements

The Streamed Show Must Go On

In a 2019 submission to the U.S. Trade Representative, the Motion Picture Association pointed out that the industry’s international sales “now depend increasingly on member companies’ ability to capitalize on major distribution windows in the digital market.”

The need to remove barriers to stream internationally and enable competition holds true for online streaming as it has for many years for screening in theaters. As streaming gains momentum, trade agreements will continue to tackle the array of barriers the U.S. film industry faces abroad, from intellectual property challenges to subsidies to foreign investment restrictions. Likewise, negotiators will work to advance market access for creative content as it flows through both traditional and new distribution platforms. After Parasite’s surprise Best Picture Oscar win, who knows if 2021 may bring our first direct-to-digital winner? Put your feet up and get the popcorn ready.

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Leslie Griffin is Principal of Boston-based Allinea LLC. She was previously Senior Vice President for International Public Policy for UPS and is a past president of the Association of Women in International Trade in Washington, D.C.

This article originally appeared on TradeVistas.org. Republished with permission.
furniture

EU’s Wood Furniture Polish and Cream Market Totaled $141M

IndexBox has just published a new report: ‘EU – Polishes And Creams For Wooden Furniture And Floors – Market Analysis, Forecast, Size, Trends And Insights’. Here is a summary of the report’s key findings.

The revenue of the wooden furniture treatments market in the European Union amounted to $141M in 2018, rising by 7.1% against the previous year. This figure reflects the total revenues of producers and importers (excluding logistics costs, retail marketing costs, and retailers’ margins, which will be included in the final consumer price).

Consumption By Country in the EU

The countries with the highest volumes of wooden furniture treatments consumption in 2018 were the UK (19K tonnes), France (11K tonnes) and Italy (10K tonnes), together comprising 56% of total consumption.

From 2014 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of wooden furniture treatments consumption, amongst the main consuming countries, was attained by France, while wooden furniture treatments consumption for the other leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Exports in the EU

The exports stood at 36K tonnes in 2018, leveling off at the previous year. In value terms, wooden furniture treatments exports stood at $86M (IndexBox estimates) in 2018. In general, wooden furniture treatments exports, however, continue to shrink steadily.

Exports by Country

In 2018, Italy (11K tonnes) and the Netherlands (9.6K tonnes) represented the largest exporters of polishes and creams for wooden furniture and floors in the European Union, together resulting at near 57% of total exports. Germany (2.5K tonnes) held a 6.9% share (based on tonnes) of total exports, which put it in second place, followed by Hungary (5.6%) and Belgium (5%). The UK (1.5K tonnes), Denmark (1.3K tonnes), Spain (1.1K tonnes), France (1K tonnes), Portugal (0.9K tonnes), Poland (0.7K tonnes) and the Czech Republic (0.7K tonnes) took a relatively small share of total exports.

From 2014 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of exports, amongst the main exporting countries, was attained by Portugal, while exports for the other leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

In value terms, the largest wooden furniture treatments supplying countries in the European Union were the Netherlands ($17M), Italy ($12M) and Germany ($11M), with a combined 47% share of total exports. These countries were followed by Denmark, Belgium, the UK, France, Spain, Portugal, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, which together accounted for a further 44%.

In terms of the main exporting countries, Portugal recorded the highest rates of growth with regard to the value of exports, over the period under review, while exports for the other leaders experienced mixed trends in the exports figures.

Export Prices by Country

The wooden furniture treatments export price in the European Union stood at $2,367 per tonne in 2018, remaining constant against the previous year. Over the period from 2014 to 2018, it increased at an average annual rate of +1.1%. The growth pace was the most rapid in 2017 when the export price increased by 19% y-o-y. Over the period under review, the export prices for polishes and creams for wooden furniture and floors reached their maximum in 2018 and is likely to continue its growth in the near future.

There were significant differences in the average prices amongst the major exporting countries. In 2018, the country with the highest price was Denmark ($6,709 per tonne), while Hungary ($929 per tonne) was amongst the lowest.

From 2014 to 2018, the most notable rate of growth in terms of prices was attained by the UK, while the other leaders experienced more modest paces of growth.

Source: IndexBox AI Platform

mobile cranes

Commerce Announces New Section 232 Investigation on Imports of Mobile Cranes

On May 6, 2020, U.S. Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross announced that the Commerce will initiate an investigation to examine whether imports of mobile cranes were threatening to impair the national security. Commerce will conduct an examination into both the quantities or circumstances of mobile crane imports.

Section 232 investigations are conducted under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 and authorizes the President of the United States, through tariffs or other means, to adjust the imports of goods or materials from other countries if it deems the quantity or circumstances surrounding these imports threaten national security.

This new investigation was initiated after the filing of a petition by domestic producer, The Manitowoc Company, Inc. (Manitowoc), on December 19, 2019, requesting that the Department of Commerce launch an investigation into mobile crane imports under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, as amended. Similar to all other 232 investigations, this one will also be conducted by Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security. Commerce in its announcement stated that it will be providing an opportunity for public comment once the initiation is published in the Federal Register.

Manitowoc’s petition alleges that increased imports of low-priced mobile cranes, particularly from Germany, Austria, and Japan, and intellectual property (IP) infringement by foreign competition, have harmed the domestic mobile crane manufacturing industry. The Department of Homeland Security has identified mobile cranes as a critical industry because of their extensive use in national defense applications, as well as in critical infrastructure sectors.

While the text of the petition has yet to be made available to the public for review, according to Commerce’s press release the “petitioner claims the low-priced imports and IP infringement resulted in the closure of one of its two production facilities in the United States and eliminated hundreds of skilled manufacturing jobs in Wisconsin.” In addition, Manitowoc alleges that imports have increased “152% between 2014 and 2019.” This increase in imports coupled with an earlier 2015 finding that a Chinese crane manufacturer “misappropriated six trade secrets and infringed on a patent” which resulted in the ITC banning the sale of a Chinese crane in the United States led to the filing of the case.

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Nithya Nagarajan is a Washington-based partner with the law firm Husch Blackwell LLP. She practices in the International Trade & Supply Chain group of the firm’s Technology, Manufacturing & Transportation industry team.

trade protectionism

Trade Protectionism Won’t Help Fight COVID-19

Countries around the world are limiting international trade and turning inward, seeking to produce nearly everything — especially medical supplies — themselves.

The Trump administration, for instance, is considering a “Buy American” executive order that would require federal agencies to purchase domestically made masks, ventilators, and medicines. And over two dozen countries — including France, Germany, South Korea, and Taiwan — have banned domestic companies from exporting medical supplies.

The scramble for self-sufficiency in medical supplies and medicines needed to fight the coronavirus is make-believe. It is neither feasible nor desirable, and will only deepen the pain felt amidst this pandemic.

Governments around the world have responded to COVID-19 by imposing export restrictions on things like ventilators and masks. In mid-April, Syria became the 76th country to follow suit. The import side of things isn’t much better. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports that tariffs remain stubbornly high on protective medical gear, averaging 11.5 percent across the 164 members of the Geneva-based institution, and peaking at just under 30 percent.

This is no way to fight a pandemic.

It’s not that COVID-19 caused this bout of trade protectionism. It’s just that COVID-19 offers up a useful narrative to promote trade protectionism.

The Trump administration, for instance, has been touting its “Buy American” executive order as a move to spur local manufacturing. Canada has also considered going it alone in ventilators and masks, but recently acknowledged it can’t possibly achieve self-sufficiency in medicines. No one can.

The way many governments see it, the only thing standing in the way of greater self-reliance in medical equipment and medicines is the will to pay for it. The story is that ventilators might be more expensive if made domestically, but that’s the cost of going it alone. It’s only a matter of getting Bauer and Brooks Brothers, for example, to make personal protective equipment, rather than hockey gear and clothing.

But there’s a reason Bauer makes skates instead of surgical masks. It’s better at it, and skates are a much more lucrative business. Bauer didn’t misread the market. It’s heartwarming to hear that Bauer is stepping in to help out, but the company knows that making surgical masks in the US is five times more expensive than making them in China. That’s why 95 percent of the surgical masks in the US are imported.

The absurdity of self-sufficiency in medicines is even more glaring. The US is a major exporter of medicines, but the raw chemicals used to make them are imported. Nearly three-quarters of the facilities that manufacture America’s “active pharmaceutical ingredients” are overseas. To reorient supply chains to produce these ingredients domestically would take up to 10 years and cost $2 billion for each new facility.  Consumers would pay at least 30 percent more at the pharmacy.

The last plug for self-sufficiency in medical equipment and medicines is that it’s not a good idea to depend on adversaries to keep us healthy. We don’t. What’s striking about medicines, medical equipment, and personal protective products is that market share is highly concentrated among allies. For example, Germany, the US, and Switzerland supply 35 percent of medical products sold worldwide. True, China leads the top ten list of personal protective products, at 17 percent market share, but the other nine, including the US at number three, are all longstanding allies. To be sure, the untold story of China is that it depends on Germany and the United States for nearly 40 percent of its medical products.

This past week, the WTO and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) called for an end to the folly of trade restrictions during this pandemic. The communique should have — but obviously couldn’t — call out governments around the world for maintaining, on average, a 17 percent tariff on soap. That tariffs on face masks average nearly 10 percent is baffling. That 20 countries in the WTO have no legal ceiling on the tariffs they impose on medicines is unforgivable.

Self-sufficiency in medical supplies and medicines is a political sop. It’s a narrative that can’t deliver anything but misery. If governments want to fight COVID-19, they should spend more time looking at how they’re denying themselves access to medical necessities, and less time on how to deny others the tools to save lives.

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Marc L. Busch is the Karl F. Landegger professor of international business diplomacy at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and a nonresident senior fellow in the Atlantic Council.

customs

Customs Providing Immediate Short-Term Duty Deferrals to Approved Importers Working to Provide Longer Term Relief to the Importing Community

Short term case-by-case relief to approved importers: On Friday, March 20, 2020, Customs issued the following message:

Due to the severity of Novel Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19), U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) will approve on a case by case basis additional days for payment of estimated duties, taxes and fees due to this emergency. Please note we are working on a future message that will provide further information. Please watch your CSMS messages.

NOTE: CBP has confirmed that the March 20, 2020 debit authorizations for the Periodic Monthly Statements and the daily statements have been transmitted to the Department of Treasury. Please work directly with your financial institution if you wish to prevent these funds from being withdrawn.

Requests should be directed to the Office of Trade, Trade Policy, and Programs at OTentrysummary@cbp.dhs.gov.

We are advised that companies sending requests for “additional days” are receiving responses from CBP such as the following:

Thank you for your message. Yes, you are approved for additional days for payment due to the COVID – 19 emergency. Please note we are working on a future message that may provide an additional timeframe for payment. Please watch your CSMS messages. Please let me know if you have any additional questions.

Based on the above CBP Message and anticipated response, our comments and suggestions for companies seeking “additional days” for payment of duties are as follows:

-CBP does not specify the number of “additional days” in its Message or the response; however, we are advised that for the time being Customs is granting an additional 10 days to specifically approved companies.

-The message does not specify the information to be provided in the request. At a minimum, companies requesting additional days for payment of duties, taxes, and fees owing should include the exact company name and their Importer of Record (IOR) number with the request. Additionally, it may be prudent to include a brief statement specifying the company’s need for the additional time requested and the harm that the company is currently facing.

-The CBP Message advises companies granted additional days to “work directly with your financial institution.” Even if CBP grants the additional days requested, Customs at this time does not have the ability to stop its automated system from requesting the transfer of funds (duties, fees, taxes) from designated bank accounts for specific companies. As such, the company responsible for payment of the duties and fees will need to coordinate with its bank (i.e., its financial institution) in advance so that the bank will block incoming funds transfer requests from CBP. We are advised that CBP’s system normally transmits electronic payment requests three times, so the bank should be prepared to block transfers in response to all three incoming CBP requests.

-CBP’s system automatically generates liquidated damages notices for non-payment and late payment of duties, fees and other amounts owing. Companies receiving “additional days” for payment of amounts owing should expect to receive such notices. We understand that providing the CBP authorization message to the approved party should be sufficient to cancel any such notices in their entirety (assuming that the amounts owing were fully paid within the extension period).

-The CBP Message covers “estimated duties, taxes, and fees.” We are not aware that it provides additional time for the payment of penalties, liquidated damages or other amounts that may be owing CBP.

-We are aware that industry groups have identified different parties for the “additional days” request other than the party identified in the CBP Message (OTentrysummary@cbp.dhs.gov). At this time, we recommend that companies seeking additional days should use the email address specified in the CBP Message.

Likelihood of longer-term (90-day) relief to the importing community: In response to ongoing discussions and requests by several trade organizations CBP is considering a 90-day extension that would be applicable to the larger importing community. Essentially, this would align duty payments with the 90-day extension currently granted by the IRS to tax filers. We expect CBP to issue a Federal Register concerning this broader extension policy in the near future and will provide updates accordingly.

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Robert Stang is a Washington, D.C.-based partner with the law firm Husch Blackwell LLP. He leads the firm’s Customs group.

Julia Banegas is an attorney in Husch Blackwell LLP’s Washington, D.C. office.

corruption

Corruption is a Costly “Hidden” Tariff

Hidden costs

Tariffs, quotas and sanctions are all overt hurdles to free trade that increase the costs of commercial exchanges or even prohibit them. But not all barriers to trade are written down in law or even apparent on the surface. Some lurk in the form of money changing hands under the table.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in a recent report identified corruption as one of the most costly non-tariff barriers in global trade, particularly for low and low-middle income countries. Acting as a “hidden tariff,” a lack of integrity in trade can be just as damaging to trade relations as any legalized restriction.

Corruption wreaks direct costs such as skimmed revenue and outright theft, but can also create health and safety risks as officials look the other way on dangerous cargo. At the firm level, the OECD estimates informal payments and corruption add a “tax” of anywhere from five to ten percent of the value of company sales in markets where corruption is normalized. Combined, these effects will damage countries’ economic welfare over the long run.

corruption adds tax

Trading in bribes

Burdensome regulations and opaque bureaucracy often go hand in hand. The more complex regulation is, the greater the cost of compliance, and the more attractive bribery becomes as an end run around the bureaucracy and the easier corruption is to hide. When governments maintain quotas and other quantitative restrictions, administrative procedures to allocate them also create opportunities for mischief.

Corruption in trade is damaging to business in a number of ways. The added costs consume resources that could be spent bringing down prices or improving quality. Corruption also distorts private sector competition – firms that do best are the ones that can best work the corrupt system, not necessarily the ones that provide the most value. Companies unwilling or unable to engage in corruption are limited or barred from providing their goods and services in that economy.

High levels of corruption also make international firms unwilling to invest due to the added risks. Local citizens, particularly those in emerging economies, feel this damage through a lack of access to affordable, quality products, reduced job opportunities, and insufficient allocation of government resources to public services due to missing tax revenue.

World Bank lost revenue at customs borders

Greasing wheels at the borders

The World Bank estimates that corruption generates losses of about $2 billion each year in lost revenue collection at customs borders.

Complicated rules, a lack of oversight, and the discretionary power characteristic of many customs administrations provide opportunities for corruption at all levels. Whether it takes the form of slipping an agent money at a customs check to let goods through or fudge some paperwork, or large-scale fraud involving officials all the way to the top, corruption can be widespread and corrosive. As former Secretary General of the World Customs Organization, J. W. Shaver, once put it: “There are few public agencies in which the classic pre-conditions for institutional corruption are so conveniently presented as in a customs administration.

In one high profile example, a 2015 investigation in Guatemala uncovered systemic corruption in their customs authority. In return for bribes, importers were allowed to under-report shipments to avoid import taxes on a large scale, costing the country millions. Mass protests with citizens calling for transparency and accountability led to the vice president’s resignation.

Sometimes corruption is less bold but equally systemic. Superstore giant Walmart has recently come under fire for looking past bribery within its supply chain. In 2019, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) investigated Walmart under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act for deliberately ignoring corruption risks and red flags in its dealings in India, China, Brazil and Mexico. In India, many payments were less than $200, but together totaled millions. Walmart is paying $238 million to settle the investigation.

WCO quote about customs

Dangers of turning a blind eye

Beyond lost revenue, when customs officials turn a blind eye to nefarious shippers, human lives are put at risk. In 2015, chemicals that were falsely declared in China’s Tianjin port exploded, resulting in over 150 deaths. Investigations found that bribes were paid to sidestep safety regulations. The incident worsened when firefighters used water on the fire, unaware (due to deliberate mislabelling) that the type of chemicals involved would detonate upon reaction with the water.

Solutions that could pay off

There is an argument that, in some cases, so-called “informal payments” may actually facilitate trade in situations where government regulatory hurdles and inefficiencies are hard to overcome. However, greasing the wheels in this manner fails to remove systemic incentives to engage in corrupt behavior.

The trouble is, there is no one-size-fits-all solution to the problem of corruption in international trade. The most pressing risks must be targeted to ensure safety and integrity while avoiding over-burdensome rules and red tape that hamper trade and economic growth.

The OECD suggests a mix of approaches. Broad, high-level government support is needed to tackle corruption within customs administrations and border control. The penalties for bribery offenses must be stiffened and applied. The private sector must be engaged to monitor practices in their global supply chains. And, the OECD suggests writing transparency and anti-corruption provisions into trade agreements.

Beyond business and borders

Corruption is a quantifiable hidden tariff on individual commercial transactions. What’s harder is to measure the extent to which corruption, perpetrated in drips over the course of years, damages broader economic prosperity.

If open markets and greater trade benefit ordinary people, as we know they do, then tackling corruption to promote legitimate trade would have positive impacts on the well-being of millions around the world.

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Alice Calder

Alice Calder received her MA in Applied Economics at GMU. Originally from the UK, where she received her BA in Philosophy and Political Economy from the University of Exeter, living and working internationally sparked her interest in trade issues as well as the intersection of economics and culture.

This article originally appeared on TradeVistas.org. Republished with permission.

U.S.-China

U.S.-China Trade War of 2019 Spills into 2020 for Ports, Shippers and Manufacturers

The Jan. 15 signing of a U.S.-China Phase One agreement did spawn a sigh of relief among those troubled by the trade tensions between the two nations. But six days later, a warning came from a couple experts closely watching the unfolding events on behalf of ports, shipping lines and manufacturers. The crux of that warning? Stay tuned.

“This is a truce,” said Phil Levy, chief economist at Flexport, a San Francisco-based freight forwarding and custom brokerage company. “This is not the end of the trade war.”

Levy shared that opinion as he joined his company’s CEO Ryan Peterson in leading a webinar on Jan. 21 that was listened in on electronically by some of their 10,000 clients in more than 200 countries. Those who rely on the company’s expertise in ocean, air, truck and rail freight, drayage & cartage, warehousing, customs brokerage, financing and insurance–all informed and powered by Flexport’s unique software platform—heard Levy say of the U.S.-China trade war: “We haven’t seen a retaliatory escalation of this magnitude in the post-World War II era. … This really was a 2019 story that worsened throughout the year.”

He pointed to a graphic that showed trade between the world’s two biggest economies fell markedly last year, and that no one overseeing trans-Pacific supply chains were immune from economic harm. Many webinar participants could relate as 64 percent of Flexport’s customers rely on the trans-Pacific trade routes, according to Peterson.

Yes, the Phase One deal was a positive first step, but Levy pointed to some examples of lasting victims from the trade war. It exposed the continued “decay,” as the economist put it, of the World Trade Organization (WTO), which is supposed to prevent the escalation of trade disputes. The “keeper of peace” amid trade tensions was largely frozen out of U.S.-China talks and, therefore, silent as events transpired.

A second heavy blow came in December 2019, when the WTO’s appellate body ceased to function, according to Levy, who noted that the formation of the “WTO system was one of core achievements since World War II.”

Peterson found equally worrisome the first-ever disappearance of peak season when it comes to shipping. As many known, imports grow during the fall and really heat up by November’s holiday shopping season. That not happening in 2019, couple with a steady decline is U.S. imports from China after years of solid growth, is a reason for concern, according to the CEO, who maintained, “global trade is down due to tariffs.”

For one thing, not having a peak season to rely on, coupled with steadily declining trade, “from our perspective makes life very hard to plan for,” Peterson said.

He did see on the horizon what many may view as a green lining: lower freight fees and consumer prices. “Lower prices do sound good,” Peterson conceded, “until someone goes bankrupt. We want stability, predictability. Things getting too cheap is unpredictable. You are playing with fire.”

Feel the burn? Peterson called our current “degree of uncertainty relatively unprecedented. We learn about things in a tweet. Was that really implemented or not?” As an example, he cited France proposing a digital tax and President Donald Trump striking back with threats of tariffs on cheese and wine. “Is that policy or not?” Peterson asked rhetorically. “Right now it’s a tweet. It makes it very hard to plan for.”

Levy warned “there is no safe play.” You can withstand the brunt of the tariffs and see what that does to your bottom line, or you can figure out a way to work around them and then have a trade deal come along with no way to return to normal operations quickly enough.

As Peterson pointed out, it’s not just the sting of the tariffs but the amount of paperwork and other adjustments one must handle while trying to remain agile. That time takes away from other things you need to be doing with your business.

Speaking of time away, Levy believes there will be no further movement in deescalating trade tensions between the U.S. and China until after America’s November presidential election. He suspects that China agreed to the Phase One conditions, which were much more weighted against that country than the U.S., “to buy a year of peace.” He added that China could be playing it coy in the weeks ahead as Beijing awaits the outcome that determines whether they will continue to deal with Trump or a new White House occupant. “If Trump loses, it’s likely the trade agreement will change anyway,” Levy said.

In the meantime … uncertainty. Peterson noted that one Flexport client had to close a manufacturing plant due to the tariffs. Levy held onto the hope that an eventual U.S.-China trade deal will be beneficial economically, pointing to markets that opened up with the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement replacing the North American Free Trade Agreement. But you never know, as evidenced by USMCA having also resulted in some restricted trade, particularly in the automobile sector. “That was disappointing,” he admitted.

Don’t be surprised if the pain ultimately spreads, as Levy predicted what will happen after the U.S.-China trade war comes to a head. “There are a lot of signs the president will turn his trade policy focus away from China and toward Europe,” said Levy, who later noted Trump has also begun accusing Vietnam of cheating when it comes to trade.

So what to do about all this?

“My stance is there is nothing more important than agility, the ability to adapt,” Peterson said of dealing with tariffs, real or threatened. “It can mean restructuring a supply chain or seeking exemptions.” Companies that foster a culture with an ability to adapt can look at these challenges, Peterson says, and respond: “Bring it on, bring on the change.”