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U.S. Domestic Industry Files Anti-Circumvention Cases Against Three Countries Regarding Crystalline Silicon Photovoltaic Cells

anticircumvention

U.S. Domestic Industry Files Anti-Circumvention Cases Against Three Countries Regarding Crystalline Silicon Photovoltaic Cells

The Petitioners representing the U.S. domestic industry filed new petitions with the U.S. Department of Commerce (“Commerce”) against imports from three countries, Thailand, Vietnam, and Malaysia, alleging that certain Chinese producers are diverting Chinese-origin components through Thailand to undergo minor processing to complete Crystalline Silicon Photovoltaic (“CSPV”) cells and modules subject to the Orders and subsequently to export the merchandise to the United States to avoid AD/CVD duties. The companies that were named in the circumvention submissions were:

Thailand

1. Canadian Solar Manufacturing (Thailand) Co., Ltd. (“Canadian Solar Thailand”), a subsidiary of Canadian Solar Inc. (“Canadian Solar”);

2. Trina Solar Science & Technology (Thailand) Co., Ltd. (“Trina Solar Thailand”), a subsidiary of Trina Solar Co., Ltd;

3. Talesun Solar Technologies Thailand or Talesun Technologies (Thailand) Co., Ltd.; and

4. Astroenergy Solar Thailand Co., Ltd (“Astroenergy Thailand”).

Vietnam

1. Trina Solar (Vietnam) Science & Technology Co., Ltd. (“Trina Solar Vietnam”);

2. Canadian Solar Manufacturing (Vietnam) Co., Ltd. (“Canadian Solar Vietnam”);

3. China Sunergy Co., Ltd. in Vietnam (“CSUN Vietnam”);

4. Boviet Solar Technology (Vietnam) Co., Ltd. or Boviet Solar Technology Co., Ltd. (“Boviet Solar”);

5. GCL System Integration Technology (Vietnam) Co. Ltd. (“GCL-Si Vietnam”);

6. Vina Cell Technology Company Limited and Vina Solar Technology Company Limited; and

7. Jinko Solar (Vietnam) Co., Ltd.

Malaysia

1. Jinko Solar Technology Sdn. Bhd. (“Jinko Solar Malaysia”);

2. LONGi (Kuching) Sdn. Bhd.; and

3. JA Solar (Malaysia) Co., Ltd. or JA Solar Malaysia Sdn. Bhd.

While the requests are hundreds of pages in length, the gist of the allegations against each country is that the operations being performed in each of these countries are minor or insignificant, and the products being exported from each of the three countries are subject to the antidumping and countervailing duty order on CSPV cells and modules from China.

Within 45 days of the filing (which was August 16, 2021) the rules of Commerce require it to either make a final determination or initiate a full investigation. The 45-day deadline is September 30, 2021. It is very likely that Commerce will conduct a full review of these circumvention allegations, in light of their complexity and seriousness.

Of great importance to importers here is that if there is a final determination that there has been circumvention, the entries on or after the date of the initiation of the scope inquiry will be subject to Chinese rates. Thus, for imports made no later than September 30, 2021, importers could find themselves subject to the high Chinese rates. At the moment, it is very difficult for importers to know the likelihood of whether those Chinese rates will be applied, because the preliminary and final determinations of Commerce are still several months away.

The final determination in an anticircumvention ruling is to be issued normally within 300 days from the date of initiation, according to the Commerce rules. Before that time Commerce will issue a preliminary determination and at that time importers will have a better idea of the likelihood that duties will be applied to those products allegedly circumventing the order.

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Jeffrey Neeley is a Washington-based partner with the law firm Husch Blackwell. He leads the firm’s International Trade Remedies team.

Cortney O’Toole Morgan is a Washington D.C.-based partner with the law firm Husch Blackwell. She leads the firm’s International Trade & Supply Chain group.

tariffs

How Will the Biden Administration Enforce Tariffs?

It was no secret that the Trump administration had an aggressive trade policy with higher tariffs on China, tariffs on steel and aluminum products, new trade agreements, and pulling out of others. Customs duty revenue increased drastically under the Trump administration from $34.6 billion in 2017 to $74.4 billion in 2020. This major increase in revenue for the federal government has left many asking what the priorities will be for the Biden administration when it comes to U.S. trade deals.

Most experts do not expect any drastic changes in the early months of the Biden administration. Biden himself has stated that he will not make any immediate moves on tariffs with China. Some think he will stay tough on trade with China but may ease tariffs with allied countries. It is also presumed that he will make certain exceptions to the Section 232 tariffs on steel and aluminum for imports from certain allies.

These duties and tariffs have not been popular among many importers and foreign exporters. Some of these companies have resorted to fraud to avoid paying what they owe. As a result, the federal government has renewed a commitment to take enforcement action against companies who evade duties owed on imported goods.

Customs duties are implemented in order to level the playing field for U.S. manufacturers. In addition, the money the government collects from these duties goes directly to paying for programs such as veterans’ benefits, education, and infrastructure. When companies scheme to avoid paying the proper duties, they obtain an unfair advantage in the U.S. markets and cheat the federal government and taxpayers. Many companies have found schemes to avoid duties that are easy to pull off and give them a significant advantage over competing manufacturers and importers.

U.S. Customs and Border Protection is responsible for enforcing trade laws, including import compliance and revenue collection. However, CBP has limited resources and can’t possibly check every shipment for compliance. With millions of containers entering the U.S. each day, CBP tries to best allocate its resources to detect the imports at the highest risk of violation, making it easy for many fraudulent schemes to slip through the cracks. Some companies see the low risk of detection as an opportunity to save money by lying on import declarations to avoid paying higher duties.

Importers must declare the value of goods, country of origin, classification of goods, and amount of duties owed. Essentially, the process works on an honor system in which the importer is responsible for making sure the information declared is accurate. However, foreign exporters and U.S. importers have found ways to cheat the system by not accurately reporting information on their customs import declarations. Below are some of the common schemes used to avoid customs duties:

1, Undervaluing goods – Import duties are based on the value of goods as declared by the importer. By undervaluing the price of goods on declarations, importers wrongfully avoid paying the appropriate duties.

2. Misrepresenting country of origin – Shipments imported into the U.S. must be marked with the country of origin. Tariff rates vary by country of origin and certain countries are subject to anti-dumping tariffs and countervailing duties. By disguising the country of origin, importers avoid paying certain tariffs and duties. Most commonly, transshipping is a scheme used to misrepresent the country of origin. Transshipping involves shipping goods to another destination prior to reaching the final point of entry and relabeling to conceal the true country of origin.

3. Misclassifying goods – Import duties are also determined by the classification or category of goods being imported. Importers avoid paying the full amount of customs duties by falsely declaring goods under a different category that is subject to a lower duty.

Since these acts are so easily committed and concealed, customs fraud is often difficult to detect. The federal government relies heavily on whistleblowers to come forward and aid in the undercovering and prosecuting of customs violations. Insiders and competitors are typically in the best position to uncover and report customs fraud.

The False Claims Act (FCA) authorizes individuals to bring a lawsuit on behalf of the federal government and share in the monetary recovery from that lawsuit. Whistleblowers who have evidence of customs fraud may bring a lawsuit under the FCA.

Many people are concerned about reporting their employers or others for committing fraud because they fear retaliation. The FCA ensures whistleblowers are protected from retaliation, such as being fired, demoted, or denied benefits. A whistleblower attorney can help ensure these protections.

Maintaining the integrity of U.S. trade policies is critical to the nation’s economic stability and security. The revenue collected from customs duties belongs to the American people. The federal government, taxpayers, and other U.S. businesses get cheated when dishonest companies scam their way out of paying tariffs and duties. Rooting out these fraudsters is made easier when brave and honest individuals come forward to do what’s right.

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About Andrew Miller

Andrew Miller is a shareholder at Baron & Budd where he represents whistleblowers in qui tam cases. To learn more about whistleblower protections, go to www.becomeawhistleblower.com.

USMCA

How a Footnote in the USMCA Undermines Economic Liberty

House Democrats are holding up ratification of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) until U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer agrees to make some changes. While a number of the big concerns about the new NAFTA, such as enforcement, biologic drugs, and the implementation of Mexico’s labor laws have received a lot of attention, there is another issue that has flown under the radar, perhaps in part because it’s buried in a footnote.

Chapter 7 of the USMCA, “Customs Administration and Trade Facilitation,” includes a section on “Express Shipments.” These are goods of low or negligible value that are shipped by courier or express mail services in large volume. Think about that pair of shoes you just ordered from France. That’s an express shipment.

Because there are so many of these packages coming through customs facilities, and it’s such a burden to process them, most countries have what is called a de minimis threshold, that is a set value below which imported goods are both sales tax and duty free. The United States has the highest de minimis threshold in the world, allowing individuals and businesses to make purchases from abroad up to $800 with no duty or tax collected by customs.

As Gary Hufbauer, Euijin Jung, and Lucy Lu explain, high de minimis thresholds are not only good for consumers, who do not have to deal with the complexity and time delays in processing customs duties and sales tax on the things they buy, but also for small businesses, because of the importance of intermediate inputs, as well as cross-border sales for their profits.

As part of the USMCA, Canada and Mexico both raised their de minimis thresholds, which not only helps small businesses in the United States but also consumers in both countries as well. Canada raised its de minimis threshold to $150 CAD from its original $20 CAD limit, and sales tax cannot be collected until the value of the product reaches at least $40 CAD. Mexico increased its de minimis from $50 USD to $100 USD, with tax free de minimis on $50 USD.

While the U.S. did not alter its de minimis threshold in USMCA, there is a curious footnote in Chapter 7 that should be cause for concern. It reads:

Notwithstanding the amounts set out under this subparagraph, a Party may impose a reciprocal amount that is lower for shipments from another Party if the amount provided for under that other Party’s law is lower than that of the Party.

Now we are all well aware of this administration’s distorted concept of reciprocity, and they seem to be applying it here as well. What this footnote suggests is that the U.S. could potentially lower its de minimis threshold to match what Canada or Mexico have agreed to. To put this in perspective, in 2016, the United States increased its de minimis level to $800 from $200. This footnote would allow the de minimis to drop even below the 2016 limit. This is not only an attack on economic liberty for American citizens, but it would be an enormous step backward on a policy where the United States has been a leader for liberalization.

Back in June, Robert Lighthizer was directly asked about this footnote by multiple members of the House Ways and Means Committee during a hearing on the 2019 trade policy agenda. While a number of excellent questions were raised, I highlight two below. First, Rep. David Schweikert (R-AZ), noting bipartisan support for the current de minimis threshold, stated:

In 2016, Congress raised the U.S. de minimis threshold to $800 in the bipartisan Trade Facilitation and Trade Enforcement Act. This change enjoys wide bipartisan support in Congress and throughout the e-commerce landscape. The current threshold benefits millions of American small businesses, across all sectors, including manufacturers, who rely on low-value inputs for the production of U.S. exports. As a result, American small businesses now enjoy more rapid border clearance, reduced complexities and red tape, and lower logistics costs, while American consumers benefit through faster, less expensive access to a wider range of goods.

Given the benefits of the current de minimis threshold to American small businesses and the U.S. economy as a whole, and that Congress legislated on the U.S. de minimis level only a few years ago, I remain extremely concerned over the Draft Statement of Administrative Action (SAA) on the U.S.- Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) transmitted to Congress on May 30. This draft SAA includes language suggesting that you may seek changes to the U.S. de minimisthreshold through the USMCA implementing bill. As you know, last December, Rep. Kind and I led a bipartisan letter urging you not to seek to lower the U.S. de minimis threshold. My position has not changed.

I strongly oppose including any language in the USMCA implementing bill that would lower the U.S. de minimis level or that would delegate this authority to the Executive Branch. As you work with Congress to finalize the USMCA implementing legislation, will you commit to not seeking authority to lower the U.S. de minimis threshold?

Rep. Daniel Kildee (D-MI) also emphasized how this change would undermine Congress’s authority to regulate commerce:

In 2016, Congress raised the U.S. de minimis threshold to $800 in the bipartisan Trade Facilitation and Trade Enforcement Act. The current threshold benefits millions of American small businesses, across all sectors, including manufacturers, who rely on low-value inputs for the production of U.S. exports. As a result, American small businesses now enjoy more rapid border clearance, reduced complexities and red tape, and lower logistics costs, while American consumers benefit through faster, less expensive access to a wider range of goods.

Given the benefits of the current de minimis threshold to American small businesses and the U.S. economy as a whole, I was curious to see the Draft Statement of Administrative Action on the U.S. Mexico Canada (USMCA) includes language that you may seek authority for the Executive Branch to set U.S. de minimis thresholds. Congress must maintain its Constitutional authority to set tariffs – including de minimis thresholds.

As you work with Congress to finalize the USMCA implementing legislation, can you commit not to seek the derogation or authority to derogate from the current U.S. de minimis threshold?

Amb. Lighthizer’s comments to all questions on the de minimis threshold remained the same:

As noted in the Administration’s submission to Congress on changes to existing law and the draft Statement of Administrative Action, we identified this as an issue for consultation with the Committee on Ways and Means of the House and the Committee on Finance of the Senate. These consultations are underway. I look forward to continuing those conversations with you and other Members on this important issue.

Congress should continue to press the administration for the removal of this footnote from the USMCA. It may seem like a small part of the broader USMCA debate, but Congress should not be fooled. This is representative of the broader attempts by the executive branch under this administration to expand its power into areas where the Constitution gives Congress express authority. Congress should not give up its authority to regulate foreign commerce, and should actively push to rein in the abuses of the executive in trade policy. By pushing for this on de minimis, we can get one step closer to ensuring that the Trump administration’s trade policy remains as its own small footnote in the history of U.S. trade policy.

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Inu Manak is a visiting scholar at the Cato Institute’s Herbert A. Stiefel Center for Trade Policy Studies.